The most important and decisive moment of Pakistan’s history came during the first, and the only free and fair general elections of 1970. If ever there were any chance for Pakistan to become a democratic, progressive and pluralistic country, it was at this moment. These elections saw the Awami League emerge as the majority party, the only middle class party free from feudals and clerics and with secularism as the main item of its agenda.
But with the announcement of the election results, battle lines were drawn as all the forces of darkness (mullah, military, feudals) joined hands to block the way for this enlightened party and subsequently succeeded in getting rid of this genuine threat to the status quo. Instead of power transfer to the people’s representatives, the world saw one of the bloodiest military operations in human history being unleashed against the people of East Bengal. When the second component of the troika (the mullahs represented by Jamaat-e-Islami) was providing volunteers to fight alongside the military, the third member of the club (the feudals personified by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) was fighting their joint case at the UN. Elimination of the Awami League in particular and the Bengali people in general from the political scene of Pakistan resulted in the framing of the Constitution of 1973 wherein the state acquired the right to adjudicate the faith of citizens and the mullah was made the final arbiter in matters of validity or otherwise of the statute laws.
The brutal and barbaric regime of Ziaul Haq was the ultimate outcome and the natural end result of the action against the Awami League and the resultant separation of East Pakistan, as the only potential hurdle in the way of dictatorship had been removed. General Zia took the process of Islamising the state, initiated by Mr Bhutto, to unprecedented and unimaginable heights. In the name of Islam he threw Pakistan back into a primitive age, closed the doors of fresh ideas and rational discourse, and opened the gates for dogmatism, bigotry and theocracy, which led the country to the current state of religion-related death and destruction. Religion has also played an important role in Pakistan’s foreign/defence policy, particularly vis-à-vis its neighbours. To justify huge defence budgets, India has been portrayed as an eternal enemy of Pakistan and Islam against whom jihad is a sacred duty for every ‘patriotic’ Pakistani and ‘true Muslim’.
In relation to Afghanistan, Pakistan proudly took over the responsibility to defeat the Communists. To accomplish this ‘holy mission’ they hosted/created and nurtured the holy warriors who have grown into monsters, turning their guns against their creators, challenging their own benefactor, the state of Pakistan, branding it infidel and threatening the very fabric of Pakistani society. Now the question is: how do we counter this menace of religious extremism that generates terrorism? If anyone thinks that the current military operation will be sufficient in cleansing the country of this mess that has been 67 years in the making, he/she is being overoptimistic to say the least. This is just a first aid act. To cure this chronic disease, much more needs to be done. That the government has acknowledged the presence of this existential threat of religion-related terrorism and the military has recognised it as threat number one by changing the green book for the first time is a good omen and a step in the right direction. The next essential move is, and should be, to change the narrative.
The rulers, visible and invisible, should acquire some courage and show statesmanship to declare unequivocally that religion and the state are two different things; religion is a citizen’s personal matter while the state is the guardian of collective rights of all the citizens because if the dominance of religion over state is accepted, one would have to concede the supremacy of a bearded maulvi over a clean shaven man or a khaki. The political parties should also spurn political expediency and demonstrate their faithfulness to the mandate of the majority of the people given repeatedly to them for addressing critical problems of life and death.
The most important step needed in this long, arduous and multi-dimensional war against fundamentalism and extremism would be profound change in attitudes — if not an apology — towards the progressive forces (nationalists and leftists) since time has proved them right and their suppressers and critics wrong. Here, particular mention of Sindh’s national movement would be pertinent. Sindh, since Mohenjo Daro, has remained the land of peace, progress, fraternity and plurality, and Sindh’s national movement, despite many ups and downs, has never compromised on its basic characteristics of secularism, democracy, humanism and peaceful co-existence. Today, when the whole country is under the onslaught of religious extremism and terrorism, Sindh is challenging the narrative of the fundamentalists and Sindhi society is putting up a brave and persistent fight against the advance of the forces of darkness.
Having not much hope of the ruling clique changing their altitudes and policies, it becomes the sincere duty of all the enlightened, progressive, liberal and humane people to appreciate Sindhi culture and support and strengthen Sindh’s national struggle. It is a vital factor in our war strategy that when the enemy is in the ascendant we strive to safeguard your strongest citadel and try to fight from the most favourable battleground.
(Concluded)
The writer is chairman Jeay Sindh Mahaz