As Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi touched down in Tehran on Saturday, Islamabad continued its quiet shuttle between Washington and Tehran, a scene that would have seemed implausible not too long ago. Pakistan, a country often caricatured in a negative light, is now mediating between two adversaries, and its envoys are running back channels that even reluctant actors are forced to recognise. Uzbekistan’s foreign minister is the latest diplomatic voice to appreciate Islamabad’s “constructive” role in easing regional tensions. Iran’s chief diplomat, Abbas Araghchi, has also acknowledged that Pakistan’s mediation “has not failed yet”, even though talks remain on a “very difficult course”. US President Donald Trump, returning from China, went further: he said he agreed to a ceasefire with Iran “as a favour to Pakistan”, a backhanded admission that Islamabad matters considerably more than others can stomach.
This shift has unsettled India’s television pundits. Indian channels, closely aligned with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party, have resorted to reflexive propaganda, inviting panellists to turn peace talks into a Pakistan?versus?India spectacle. Their narrative has mostly backfired, most notably last month when former US diplomat Jeffrey Gunter publicly corrected an anchor during a live broadcast over questions about the security of US Vice President JD Vance in Pakistan and warned against turning global diplomacy into a bilateral circus.
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That Washington is not unified over the next line of action adds to the conundrum. Hawks in the American capital believe only a “full return to combat operations” will force Tehran to capitulate, with plans being floated for destroyers, attack helicopters and drones to patrol the Strait. Congress is split, too. Some senators argue that the War Powers Act clock paused when fighting stopped, while others insist the administration must seek authorisation or begin withdrawing troops. This week, Senate Republicans blocked another Democratic-led effort to end the Iran war unless Congress authorises it, though the measure appears to be inching closer to passage after a third Republican voted to advance the bill. Behind these debates lies an uncomfortable recognition: the war is unpopular, expensive, and still being kept alive by a faction that sees escalation as a strategy.
Pakistan’s mediators operate amid these cross?currents. They can convene envoys and shuttle proposals, but they cannot force a settlement. Iran’s foreign minister says the biggest obstacle is mistrust toward Washington and a deadlock over Iran’s enriched?uranium stockpile. Trump’s own statements underscore the challenge. He boasts that he rejects Iranian proposals after “reading the first sentence” and pivots between threatening to wipe out Iran and claiming he wants a deal. For Islamabad, the path ahead may depend less on grand diplomacy than on quietly maintaining channels, reducing exposure to energy disruptions and resisting the urge to claim victory. *