There are moments when history tilts on its axis, quietly at first and then with thunderous clarity. The recent choreography in China, where world leaders assembled under the shadow of Xi Jinping’s vision, was one such moment. The sight of China, Russia, and North Korea standing shoulder to shoulder, flanked by dozens of nations, was more than a spectacle; it was a statement that America’s unipolar order is no longer absolute and that a multipolar world is rising. For Pakistan, this is not a distant drama but the very arena where our destiny will be forged, shaped by choices we dare to make.
The US-led liberal international order, built in the rubble of World War II, served Washington’s strategic and economic interests for decades. Military supremacy, dollar dominance, and ideological persuasion gave America the role of undisputed conductor of the global symphony. Yet the music has grown discordant. Endless wars in the Middle East, economic sanctions overused to exhaustion, and the erratic nationalism of leaders like Donald Trump have exposed the vulnerabilities of this order. At the same time, China has not only risen as an economic power but has also shed its caution. From the Belt and Road Initiative to military parades showcasing underwater drones and long-range missiles, Beijing is projecting itself as the nucleus of an alternative world order, one anchored in multipolarity and solidarity with the Global South. This is not only about military might but about narrative. Beijing now presents itself as the champion of options, an escape from the coercive choices Washington often demands from smaller states.
The old order is fraying, and the new one is not yet fully born. This is precisely the moment when smaller states can either carve out a dignified role or risk being trampled under the boots of giants.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, where leaders from Pakistan, Turkey, Iran, and Central Asia stood alongside Russia and China, has become more than a regional forum. It is turning into a testing ground for a post-American world order. Declarations on Gaza, criticisms of Western sanctions, and warm bilateral exchanges show a willingness among many nations to coordinate outside Washington’s orbit. For countries like India, torn between its alignment with the US and its geographic realities with China, the SCO was an opportunity to reset. For Russia and Iran, it was a lifeline against isolation. For smaller nations, it was an invitation: you no longer need to choose between silence and punishment; there is room to manoeuvre. This is the essence of multipolarity, not a rejection of the West, but a refusal to accept it as the only option.
Where then does Pakistan stand in this shifting equation? Historically, our ties with the United States brought both benefits and burdens. From Cold War alliances to the War on Terror, Pakistan received financial aid and military hardware, but dependence, instability, and occasional humiliation came as part of the bargain. At the same time, our geography has bound us to China, whose friendship is often described as deeper than the oceans and higher than the mountains. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is not merely infrastructure; it is a geopolitical lifeline. Yet our relationship with the West remains significant, not least in trade with Europe, remittances from the US and Gulf (both under Western security umbrellas), and access to global markets still governed by Western systems. To tilt blindly towards Beijing would be unwise; to cling desperately to Washington would be suicidal. Pakistan’s role then must be neither as a pawn nor as a prisoner of either bloc; we must act as a pivot.
That requires conscious choices. We cannot afford passivity disguised as neutrality; what is needed is active non-alignment, where we refuse to be cornered into zero-sum choices and instead pursue issue-based cooperation with both sides. Multipolar platforms like SCO and BRICS must not remain photo opportunities but should be used substantively to promote trade corridors, leverage energy deals, and build consensus on regional security. While CPEC remains central to our economic vision, diversification is crucial. We must attract Western investment in technology, renewable energy, and higher education, creating balance and resilience. Above all, no world order will rescue a weak state. Pakistan must strengthen its domestic foundations, political stability, institutional reform, and economic discipline so that it can deal with external partners from a position of dignity rather than dependence. Equally important, Pakistan must lead with values, not just geography. Our foreign policy cannot be reduced to transactional bargains; it should be anchored in principles such as justice for Palestine, equitable trade, and respect for sovereignty. These are not rhetorical luxuries; they give moral weight in international forums and help transform Pakistan from a passive participant into a credible voice.
The old order is fraying, and the new one is not yet fully born. This is precisely the moment when smaller states can either carve out a dignified role or risk being trampled under the boots of giants. Pakistan, positioned at the intersection of China’s ambitions, America’s anxieties, and the Islamic world’s expectations, cannot afford hesitation. We must be clear-eyed that China’s embrace is strategic, not sentimental, and that America’s partnership is transactional, not eternal. Our survival depends not on choosing one master over another but on ensuring we are never reduced to mere vassals in someone else’s empire. The parade in Tianjin may have been about China’s missiles, but for Pakistan, the real weapon must be diplomacy, vision, and resilience. History is turning a page. The question is whether Pakistan will write on it, or merely be written about.
The writer is a Ph.D in Political Science and a visiting faculty member at QAU Islamabad. His area of specialisation is political development and social change. He can be reached at zafarkhansafdar @yahoo.com and tweet@zafarkhansafdar.