Once again the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) is in the midst of a storm. Political pundits are having a good time on prime time talk shows guessing whether this controversial political party will come through the storm or it would be considerably weakened. Logically, references are being made to the unsuccessful bid by the establishment to bury the MQM in the summer of 1992, but a number of factors have changed since that attempt 14 years ago. The splinter group that was recently launched is led by Mustafa Kamal, a ‘softer’ face of the MQM, in comparison to the attempt in 1992 when the protégées were two militant leaders — Afaq Ahmed and Amir Khan. The ‘fear’ MQM evokes in certain sections of Karachi seems to have dissipated, as the MQM has been subdued to a considerable extent by the ongoing operations in Sindh; Altaf Hussain’s ill-health has loosened his grip over the party; 24/7 television now plays an important role in perception-building; and MQM’s weak defence against the allegation that it was funded by RAW is also going against it.
But as long as the allegation that the MQM’s London secretariat was getting funds from India and its militants were trained there is not proved in the court, most of the party cadre is not convinced. The charges regarding funding from India are part of the money-laundering case in the UK courts. The chances that the British will go ahead with it are very slim; Britain is not likely to upset its friend, India, by proving that they have been funding a party in Pakistan. India is said to be using its influence on 10 Downing Street to keep its name out of MQM’s money-laundering case.
Back in Pakistan people who remember political history are aware of the fact that whosoever disagrees with the establishment’s narrative has been branded as the Indian agent. Probability of Indian intelligence buying support in Pakistan’s disgruntled political and militant elements is as strong as our intelligence supporting the similar elements across the border, or as Israel spending on lobbying in the US.
The establishment has a history of divide-and-rule. The British tactfully supported communal politics in India to weaken the movement against the colonial rule. General Ayub Khan divided the Pakistan Muslim league (PML) in 1962 to get support for his dictatorial rule; his administration also divided the people of Sindh in under lables of mohajir and Sindhis in the 1960s. General Zia-ul-Haq tried to create a parallel Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) to counter Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Following the strong movement for the restoration of democracy in Sindh, Zia’s government supported the newly formed Mohajir Quami Movement under Altaf Hussain. General Pervez Musharraf carved out the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid and People’s Party Patriots with the support of Punjab Rangers. History has shown that all these attempts of political engineering by the establishment gave some short-term tactical advantages to them, but at the end of the day, these perfidious actions have proved counter-productive.
The MQM is a well-organised cult that works around Altaf Hussain. Cultism followers see the demigod from the distance and are devoted to the personality. Those who are around him and manage the cult usually see through the demagogue but continue to serve because of their own vested interest. Such cults split into many factions once the demigod has gone. The problem with the MQM is in the basic political formulation of the party. It is based on the real and perceived injustices to the immigrants from India after the partition of the subcontinent. The definition of mohajir (refugee) coined by its leaders when it was formed was: the people who migrated from India and no part of their province was included in Pakistan. This excluded the bulk of immigrants who migrated from east Punjab to west Punjab. Most of the migrants from provinces other than west Punjab were Urdu-speaking settled in three cities of Sindh. The first decade after the partition they enjoyed being part of the ruling elite. After the first martial law, gradually, their influence started declining and their position as junior partners of Punjabi ruling classes was taken over by the Pashtuns. Still their share in the government and private sector job was many times more than their ratio in the population of Pakistan.
After the breakup of One Unit curse in 1972, the natives in these areas received power in Karachi for the first time. They were shunted out of their prized city, Karachi, soon after the birth of Pakistan as the city was declared the federal capital and provincial government was moved out. Thus the Urdu-speaking who were 7.5 percent of the country’s population started resenting the decline of their power and the rise of Sindhi ruling and middle classes. This conflict has been ongoing and the tussle for control over cities has made Karachi a hotbed of turmoil.
The MQM has successfully garnered the support of the Urdu-speaking people who are unhappy about some real and some perceived injustices. By fighting it out for control over urban Sindh they have fought against all the major ethnicities residing in the province. This has isolated it and has made it a target by all. In 1988 they made an alliance with the PPP but within a few months the MQM fell out asking for a much bigger share than what was realistically possible. It then joined the Nawaz Sharif’s PML government in 1990, but left it in 1992, and this lack of prudence resulted in a major operation by the establishment. It has failed to be a reliable and consistent ally of any elected government. The only time it had a long partnership was with the military government of General Musharraf.
In the most probable scenario the MQM will survive the present tempest, but much bruised. It is high time the MQM purged itself from militants and accepted the reality that Karachi is a multi-ethnic city with less than 45 percent of its population Urdu speaking. Therefore, power has to be shared democratically, declaring themselves as Sindhis by option, instead of pitching themselves against the local population.
The writer is freelance journalist and author. He can be reached at [email protected]