On the eve of general elections 2018; it was clear, Pakistan had made its choice known, as it braced itself to enter into a new era. An era that leaves behind Zia’s legacy. For too long, Zia’s relics survived in Pakistan. After Zia, new fault lines were drawn. Parties fell in two camps. Those who wanted to steer his vision forward and those who opposed him. Musharraf, who unsuccessfully tried to build a new political cadre through non-party elections on the third tier of government; ended up predominantly cleaving Zia’s camp into two halves; those in favour of his longevity and those against it. October, 2011 presented a first jolt to that Pakistan. The country had finally warmed up to its new political stalwart: Imran Khan! Naya Pakistan, seemed probable. Imran has been influencing the political discourse since October, 2011. In a country obsessed with binaries, there were people who jealously defended all his moves and those who bitterly criticized him. It was clear; Imran had assumed a pivotal position in the mainstream politics of Pakistan. He introduced issues in politics that were not part of the discourse at the time. For instance, he was the first one to advocate educational and health reforms vociferously post Zia. He stuck to his guns on institutional corruption, even though people at the time thought this couldn’t be a winning election campaign. And perhaps it wasn’t before these elections. He reintroduced political puns, satire (for which he would receive flake from the arm-chair analysts) and mimicry in politics. He would go an extra mile to take jibes at his political opponents, like the original Bhutto, before him. With time, it became obvious that his opponents were clearly past their prime, who did not have the stomach to keep up With Imran, it wasn’t business as usual. He was not a conventional politician ready to play by the rules; rules that had been set by the old guards who had surfaced in different occupational groups, including politics, after Zia. He aggressively challenged the norms of politics. He was a reluctant speaker, so PTI came up with concert-like jalsas to draw large crowds. Political gatherings had become alluring. And Imran the orator, with time, improved as well (thank god). Eventually, he reintroduced political puns, satire (for which he would receive flake from the arm-chair analysts) and mimicry in politics. He would go an extra mile to take jibes at his political opponents, like the original Bhutto, before him. With time, it became obvious that his opponents were clearly past their prime,who did not have the stomach to keep up. Politics had changed since that momentous October day in Lahore in 2011, but it was only a beginning. Owing largely to PTI; middle classes, youth and women were politicized. With all that fervour and romanticism of change; the 2013-debacle happened. There are many theories that seek to explain the elections results of that year. After 2013, many believed, Imran’s moment had passed and that he would only end up as a footnote in Pakistan’s political history, much like Asghar Khan. But Imran had already made significant strides. His campaign was inspirational in 2013. Even though the party lacked the organizational structure to convert all its support into votes, it nonetheless emerged as the second largest party in terms of popular vote. Imran had achieved what Bhutto did before him; the only two leaders who were able to establish a political party outside of the establishment’s patronage. Imran had an uphill task as he had not been a member in the military cabinet (he briefly supported one). By the time he ventured to challenge the status-quo, he had to wrestle the vested interests of those who were firmly entrenched in the system since the time of first general elections in the country. Remember, it was not a presidential election he had to win, it was a parliamentary election, absent plurality voting. So his popularity alone wasn’t sufficient. He needed decent candidates. With his popular dharna, Imran galvanized his party that could have slipped into abject despair or factionalism. It was not viewed favourably across the country. However, it ended up cementing his core base. The constitution of a Judicial Commission that followed was a compromised as a fair outcome of the mammoth dharna. However, its findings on the systematic rigging were a major set-back to the party and its followers. Just as the reports appeared the party needed new slogans and a vision for the future; Panama happened. Nature had conspired to work for him. Imran was back in his element; buoyed by strong institutional reforms in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which were beginning to show results. Despite his domestic turmoil, Imran once again started to gravitate attention and influence popular discourse. He was naturally helped by, the clueless and in-ept government at the centre. At any rate, the stars were shining on him again. With a few institutional nudges, coupled with popular support, Imran was in the lead to win the elections for the first time. For the dreamers, the outcome of the general elections this year was a writing on the wall and an appropriate culmination of his long struggle. But is this his crowning moment? Imran would disagree, and we hope so too. The electorate, in so many ways informed by PTI’s politics, will now hold Wazir-e-Azam Imran Khan to fulfil the pledges made by the candidate Imran Khan. These are exciting times to be in a democratic Pakistan, as the country pivots to enter into a new phase of politics, and even aspire for a regional role on global politics. To the world outside, though on a June flower; Pakistani spring has arrived. Naya Pakistan has arrived. The writer attended Berkeley and is a Barrister of Lincoln’s Inn Published in Daily Times, July 29th 2018.