Logic says that no antidote can be found with a wrong diagnosis of a particular issue. If the process of wrong diagnosis is opted for willfully by the same authority responsible for resolving the issue, then the extent of damage would surely increase manifold. Ironically, this has been happening in Baluchistan for a long time.
The province is in the limelight mostly for the unusual, unpleasant happenings like terrorism, protests, fiery speeches and accusations against the federal government, including various state institutions. Politics in Baluchistan has long been dominated by claims of federal neglect, exploitation, and deprivation.
In Baluchistan, the “deprivation rhetoric” is a central tool used by separatist groups to recruit and radicalise youth by framing genuine socioeconomic grievances as a deliberate, state-sponsored campaign of ethnic erasure. While Baluchistan does face significant challenges, including high unemployment, poor governance, and a lack of infrastructure, the separatist leaders frame these as proof of a “colonial” relationship with the central government.
Since the state has started chasing the foreign-backed terrorist separatist outfits, propaganda campaigns have been shifted to platforms like X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook.
This rhetoric often ignores the controversial role of local elites, especially tribal chiefs, aka Sardars, who have historically controlled the province’s resources. However, a realistic examination of the facts reveals a different story. The ‘deprivation saga’ has been extensively stirred to alter the public perception in line with it. Ground facts are contrary to the misleading deprivation saga. Baluchistan receives significant federal funding, with over 90% of its budget coming from Islamabad. It is worth noting that per capita federal transfers are among the highest in Pakistan.
The province has seen substantial development in education, healthcare, and infrastructure, as evidenced by verifiable facts and figures. The number of schools increased from 114 in 1947 to over 15,000 today. Healthcare facilities have expanded significantly across the province. The health sector now includes 13 major hospitals, 18 teaching hospitals, 33 DHQs, 756 BHUs, 541 dispensaries, 24 dialysis centres, and multiple specialised facilities.
Road network grew from 375 km to 25,000 km. This remains a bitter fact that despite the provision of requisite funds from federal authorities, provincial rulers largely displayed negligence and corrupt practices in governance. It is the local elite comprising influential tribal ‘Sardar’ cadre, which mostly remained in power and ruled the province unchallenged.
Present backwardness in Baluchistan is nothing but the outcome of a flawed governance model imposed upon the locals in the garb of centuries-old tribal traditions. Scapegoating the federation for local governance failures is the most common trick of local feudalism to distort public perception on the issue of persistent backwardness. Over-exaggerated complaints about the natural resource exploration have added more spice to the deprivation rhetoric in Baluchistan.
Natural gas is the only significant resource extracted from Baluchistan. Much talked about minerals, oil and other natural resources are still untapped and referred to only by the self-styled firebrand activists without any verifiable facts.
Elite capture and feudal control are those holes in the governance model which hinder objective development and nurture the ‘deprivation’ rhetoric. Since the state has started chasing the foreign-backed terrorist separatist outfits, propaganda campaigns have been shifted to platforms like X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook. These channels are used to circulate highly provocative, fabricated content, such as videos and stories that reinforce victimhood and deprivation sentiments among the youth. Cure lies in a well-thought-out modernisation and a sustained developmental governance system.
Solution to these issues depends upon moving beyond security-focused responses to include activation of genuine political process, improvement of education standard, and conversion of governance system from ‘elite centric’ to ‘public centric’. Hue and cry on deprivation is more of a misleading political myth than a historical injustice. Federal funding could not transform into real development due to local governance gaps for which the provincial elite is responsible. This will not be an overstatement that not only federal funding but also deeper accountability is equally important to plug the governance system holes.
The writer is a freelance contributor based in Islamabad.