Giving credit where due, PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari has done what few politicians dare; breaking the silence before the press could and revealing that the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) had sought his party’s support for a constitutional amendment that seeks to set up constitutional courts, restore executive magistrates, end protection for provincial shares under the National Finance Commission and amendments to Article 243 of the Constitution with regard to the command of armed forces. In these suffocating political times, opening such a crucial issue to public scrutiny is a rare act of democratic candour. It has also reignited one of Pakistan’s most fundamental debates: who truly governs this federation?
The 18th Amendment was not a gift from politicians to provinces, for it was the outcome of years of bruising centralisation. It restored the logic of federalism and created a workable balance between autonomy and unity. Rolling it back, even by inches, would mark a return to the old reflex of control through concentration.
Punjab’s argument for constitutionally protected local governments deserves consideration, but not at the price of provincial disempowerment. Strengthening municipalities is essential. There’s no denying that. However, using that cause to dilute provincial authority cannot be called anything other than a political sleight of hand. If power is dragged upward to Islamabad and downward to local councils simultaneously, the provinces become shells: neither sovereign nor secure.
Behind the paperwork lies politics. The PML-N’s governance philosophy has long favoured centralised efficiency, while the PPP, architect of the 18th Amendment, built its legitimacy on defending provincial rights. For Sindh in particular, endorsing any rollback would be political suicide.
The irony, of course, is that many provinces invoking federal overreach display the same authoritarian reflexes toward their own districts. Caught in between is a federation still unsure who it belongs to.
That those sitting at the echelons of power have a perpetual preference for a more unitary framework is no secret. Fiscal crisis, fractured politics, and an unfinished NFC Award make centralisation tempting again. But strength doesn’t come from reclaiming powers. Like it or not, it comes from making existing ones work.
Pakistan’s constitutional journey cannot afford shortcuts disguised as reform. The 18th Amendment was a declaration of resistance to autocracy yet the 27th, if misused, could become a symbol of surrender. Any future amendment must not serve to control. First and foremost, it must serve accountability. Bilawal has reopened an overdue national conversation. The question now is whether Pakistan’s political class has the courage to finish it? *