There is profound concern in Islamabad over the election of Sohail Afridi as Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
This concern is not unfounded. His party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, stands aligned with the very elements, groups and even states that have confronted the federal government and the Pakistani armed forces-indeed, opposed the state of Pakistan itself.
Afridi is considered a staunch loyalist of Imran Khan. In the current political climate, Khan’s strategy is clear: oppose every initiative of government and establishment. From this perspective, the worry is that Afridi will adopt opposition to Islamabad’s counter-terror efforts and Afghan policy as part of his political playbook.
He hinted as much in his address to the KP Assembly on 13 October, where he criticised federal operations and spoke of negotiations over force.
Peace is the death of a terror group.
The situation in the province is dire. Militants from Afghanistan have entered border districts and launched repeated attacks on law enforcement and the army. In districts such as Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan, Karak and Lakki Marwat, the insurgents are active-areas that remained comparatively safe during the peak years of 2008-14. During the PTI tenure, the lenient approach to militants strengthened their foothold.
If the military operation pauses even for a few days, the danger is real: militants will spread across the province and fresh fighters from Afghanistan will surge into KP. The war against terror will become even harder, and the risk of widespread destruction will rise.
Afridi has consistently supported talks with militants. But he overlooks past lessons. Every negotiated pause allowed militants to regroup, rearm and emerge stronger. Pakistan’s history confirms it. 2004 Shakai agreement, to the 2006 North Waziristan accord, to 2021’s tentative talks under PTI. None ended in peace.
Peace is the death of a terror group. The moment it shifts from war zone to negotiated space, internal fractures arise, funding dries up, and foreign patronage ceases. Would a militant commander accept that fate?
Afridi is not just sceptical of federal policy; he rejects Islamabad’s entire Afghan engagement. He backs direct talks with the Taliban, yet ignores the fact that Pakistan has already engaged at diplomatic, political and religious levels, and yet the support network for militants remains intact. From the Mufti Taqi Usmani-led delegation in July 2022, to the 17-member tribal jirga, to the February 2023 DG ISI visit to Kabul and the July 2024 interior minister’s delegation-the efforts have been numerous. And yet attacks continue.
Now the risk emerges that Afridi, in his loyalty to Khan and hostility toward the federation, will hand KP over to terrorists. Intelligence in Islamabad fears that many KP ministers and lawmakers pay protection money to militants. Reports suggest that weak border surveillance benefits their business interests. If so, the price will be borne by ordinary people.
The taxpayers of KP have suffered the consequences of PTI’s tolerant policies. The fear is that in the coming days, this price will climb.
If Afridi wants to lead, let him take a stance-not as provincial figurehead chasing political theatre, but as guardian of Pakistan’s frontier peace.
The writer is a freelance columnist.