Is it mere coincidence that Afghanistan has launched attacks on Pakistan at the very moment its foreign minister visits India, issuing openly anti-Pakistan statements?
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has declared, “the war is not over; the war continues.” Yet the Pakistan-India border remains calm. So, where exactly is this war being waged? Could it be that this conflict is now being orchestrated from across the Durand Line? Is this the same Hindutva-driven strategy that continues to destabilize Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa? Are these provinces now battlefields according to the Modi doctrine?
Afghanistan is a fellow Islamic nation, and Pakistan has always extended genuine goodwill. Yet the reality is undeniable: since Pakistan’s creation, Afghanistan has repeatedly undermined Pakistan’s security on one pretext or the other. Historically, Afghanistan has claimed Pakistani territory, while Pakistan has never laid claim to Afghan land. Notably, Afghanistan even voted against Pakistan’s admission to the United Nations, although it later withdrew this opposition.
Is this the same Hindutva-driven strategy that continues to destabilize Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa?
During Pakistan’s early years, Afghan leadership dreamed of extending their borders beyond Peshawar. Under the guise of strategic depth, Afghan-backed nationalist movements first refused to participate in Pakistan’s plebiscite, demanding an independent Pashtunistan. After Pakistan emerged, they insisted that any Pakistani legislative participation be contingent upon a future right to secede.
Once Pakistan became a reality, Afghan Prime Minister Hashim Khan oversaw the creation of Pashtun militant groups to incite unrest and prepare the Afghan army for attacks. Secret meetings planning against Pakistan’s sovereignty involved Afghan Chief of Staff Sardar Daud, Defense Minister Sardar Shah Mahmood, and even a Pakistani political figure. Afghan King Zahir Shah publicly spoke against Pakistan, while Afghan envoys in India openly predicted tribal uprisings and the formation of an independent government within Pakistan.
Daud Khan institutionalized Pakistan-focused subversion by creating a ministry dedicated to inciting rebellion. Afghan attacks on Pakistani embassies replaced national flags with Pashtunistan banners. Bacha Khan himself acknowledged this exploitation in a March 1980 “India Today” interview: “Afghan governments used the Pashtunistan issue for their political goals. Our people suffered greatly. Daud stopped discussing Pashtunistan, and Noor Tarakai only raised it to harm Pakistan.”
This hostility was not limited to Pashtun regions. Afghanistan also consistently supported insurgents in Balochistan. As Rajiv Sharma documents, even in 1949, Daud Khan’s government provided full support to Pakistan-opposing elements. During the 1970 insurgency in Kabul, sixty camps trained anti-Pakistan actors. Subsequent leaders, including Noor Mohammad Taraki, and later Hamid Karzai, continued this support, with Karzai himself publicly acknowledging Pakistan-opposing activities.
Pakistan’s concerns are strategic and immediate. Geographically, Pakistan is stretched along a narrow rectangle: India lies to the east along 2,912 kilometers of border, Afghanistan to the west along 2,640 kilometers. If hostility arises simultaneously from both neighbors, Pakistan risks becoming trapped in a “strategic sandwich,” facing adversaries on both east and west. This scenario underscores why Pakistan has always sought a friendly Afghanistan, one free from Indian influence. A Pakistan-friendly Afghan government is not merely desirable-it is essential for regional stability.
Yet current developments suggest the opposite. India, historically no friend of Pakistan, continues to manipulate Afghanistan to destabilize its western neighbor. The attacks coinciding with the Afghan foreign minister’s India visit are no coincidence. They reflect a long-term strategy where Afghanistan serves as a proxy in India’s regional designs against Pakistan. In such circumstances, Pakistan cannot rely on goodwill alone; vigilance, strategic foresight, and regional partnerships are crucial.
Pakistan and Afghanistan, as neighboring Islamic nations, share more than borders, they share the imperative of mutual security. Past and present history shows that India has consistently sought to exploit Afghan-Pakistan dynamics to its advantage. To counter this, both nations must resist external manipulation and prioritize bilateral cooperation. Friendship, trust, and strategic alignment are not luxuries, they are a necessity for survival in a region where hostile forces continue to exploit historical vulnerabilities.
The question is clear: will Afghanistan move forward having learned from its own history, or are the lessons of the past meant only for others? Pakistan cannot afford to be caught between two adversaries. A stable, independent, and Pakistan-friendly Afghanistan is not merely a diplomatic preference, it is a matter of survival.
At the same time, Afghanistan must recognize and uphold its own responsibilities, for a single hand cannot create a clap.
The writer is a lawyer and author based in Islamabad. He tweets @m_asifmahmood