After dithering for a year, the government has gathered the courage to endorse the all out military operation against various groups of local and foreign jihadis headquartered in North Waziristan. Most political parties supported the operation as did public opinion. Only a few apologists of the militants accepted it reluctantly with ‘ifs’ and ‘buts’. The army was convinced that the juihadis who have gone astray and are killing its officials and jawans will have to be taken on militarily but they wanted political support. Nawaz’s governmental policy of negotiating with the jihadis, which did not succeed, was to please its right-wing supporters and show that they had given peace a chance. After the Swat operation during the PPP’s tenure, once again the operation had gained public support. It is not always that people in this country support military action.
The Nawaz government’s indecisiveness on this issue had two main reasons: one, that the backlash of the military operation would result in more attacks in the major cities of the country, particularly in Punjab, which is its constituency and where it has a covert alliance with some extremist Islamist groups, and, two, the Sharifs were afraid of Imran Khan who has delusions that jihadi groups are open to reason.
The first fear, of jihadis bringing war to the cities, was not wrong but the terrorists have been attacking major cities for many years now, including even army installations, so the apprehension that they would increase attacks was denying a reality. The recent attack on the busy Karachi airport was the ultimate ‘leaving no choice’ for the prime minister to snub the pro-talk lobby in his kitchen cabinet and stand behind the armed forces. Imran Khan, who had launched the campaign allegedly with the support of the agencies thinking he could push for mid-term elections, could not say no to his khaki benefactors.
Now the question is: is the military operation in the tribal areas enough to put an end to the hydra-headed terrorist network in Pakistan? Indeed not. For decades, the state has nurtured this dragon, which no civilised and sensible establishment does. The military operation would need to be backed by a more comprehensive strategy. The Islamist terrorists have to be countered militarily, politically and above all ideologically. To reduce the terrorists’ attacks in the cities, the provincial governments should move on a war footing, as this is no time to take things leisurely and settle political scores. For instance, the pitched battle between police and Tahirul Qadri’s workers at this juncture was the gravest mistake of the Punjab government. The need is to sweep the cities and detain suspected terrorists and their supporters in Islamist militant organisations. The federal and provincial governments should focus on the biggest challenge being faced by Pakistan and be prepared for this long drawn unconventional terror war, which is likely to last for a couple years. It may become bloodier when India-specific terrorist organisations will be asked to close shop.
Politically, all parties should moblise their elected representatives to go back to their constituencies and convince their followers to support action against the terrorists. True, Islamist militants have been able to terrorise the people and parliamentarians are no exception. Some have lost their lives or that of their kith and kin but we do not have a choice if we want to give a secure and modern Pakistan to our younger generation. Not only the army but also the people have to rise against terrorism. Each tehsil should have a toll-free number where people can report any suspicion that terrorists are hiding in their areas. Station House Officers (SHOs) and local criminal departments should report terrorists who have spread out to the cities.
The opposition has the right to criticise the government and use all democratic means to reach the people but people like Imran Khan and the imported Dr Qadri should not rock the system on which democracy stands. Their antics may tempt the khakis to intervene. So far, these parties are being encouraged by the establishment to tame the Nawaz government and bring him onto the page written by them. If the situation gets out of hand like it did because of Punjab government’s ‘Gullu Butt-style’ handling of the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) workers in Lahore, the whole system is going to fall. Otherwise nobody is interested in the revolution call given by Dr Qadri, barring his cult followers.
The most uphill task is to counter the jihadists’ narrative. They have an ideology, which has many active and inactive sympathisers. According to one estimate, there are 104 militant groups and 230 religious parties in Pakistan. The militants have vast resources to propagate their ideology, which is not much different from that of al Qaeda. They produce one mullah for every 225 Pakistanis annually and have direct access to the people through over 250,000 pulpits. Not all preach terrorism but a good majority sympathise with the cause of the jihadis.
On the other hand, the state does not have any counter-narrative. On the contrary, its functionaries promote dubious Islamists through the compliant media while the progressives who challenge the jihadi ideology are harassed.
The writer is the author of What’s Wrong with Pakistan? He can be reached at [email protected]