Impressive figures have been released by the ISPR on the first anniversary of the launch of Operation Zarb-e-Azb. During this operation, which was launched after dithering for years, 2,763 terrorists have been killed and our forces suffered a loss of 347 officers. Many more were seriously injured on both the sides. The result of this sacrifice is that about “90 percent of North Waziristan has been declared to be free from terrorists” and the central command, control apparatus and the communication systems of the terrorists have also been destroyed. But the remaining 10 percent is a difficult terrain to conquer. Over one million people, who were displaced from North and South Waziristan, feel neglected and have been going back to their homes in an uncertain situation. The official claim is that non-discriminatory action has been taken against the terrorist groups, which include the Tehreek-e-Taliban’s Shehryar group, Mansoor group, Sajna group, Haqqani Network, Gul Bahadur group, Punjabi Taliban, Uzbek Taliban, Turkistan Islamic Movement and al Qaeda.
While there was consensus in the country that action should be taken against the terrorists — who are responsible for killing over 55,000 civilians and around 6,000 soldiers — independent journalists take the official account with a pinch of salt because only embedded journalists are given access to the war zones in FATA. Human rights activists are concerned that the bombing from thousands of feet above does not discriminate between the innocent and the terrorists. But such is the cost of war! Regionally, the neighbouring countries have their own doubts about the claim that the operation is non-discriminatory. Afghanistan’s government is still blaming Pakistan for harbouring terrorists of the Haqqani group and Afghan Taliban. The Indian government is warning that it will not tolerate cross-border terrorism anymore and demands action against Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish Muhammad and Salahuddin’s Hizbul Mujahideen.
My friends, who have access to the establishment, tell me that the paradigm is shifting and that the Titanic has to be steered away from the iceberg slowly. A genuine predicament could be that they cannot take action against all the terrorist groups at the same time. As these groups are not challenging the writ of the establishment within the country and are considered as useful tools of our revanchist policies, there is hardly any will to withdraw the covert support to them at present. However, the rapidly changing geostrategic scenario is perhaps demanding urgency. This issue deserves separate analysis at some other time because the success of the war against terrorism is interlinked with our shortsighted foreign policy.
Coming back to the ongoing operation, which was started after the Taliban killed 23 soldiers and released a gruesome video, the army rightly said that enough was enough and launched Zarb-e-Azb, while the reluctant civilian government limped along. The country then needed another jolt to be woken up, some six months later, when a most cruel attack on the Army Public School killed children and teachers. It was strange that the 20-point strategy to fight terrorism was spelled out six months after the major tactical operation against the terrorists was launched. A cursory assessment of the National Action Plan (NAP) shows that very little progress has been made on most of the suggested actions, mostly because of the political government’s vacillating behaviour. They are confused and afraid to take action against the jihadis’ street power and propaganda.
Now the question is: is the military operation in the tribal areas enough to put an end to the multi-headed hydra that is the terrorist network in Pakistan? Indeed, it is not. For decades, the state has nurtured this dragon — something that no civilised or sensible establishment does. The military operation needs to be backed by a more comprehensive strategy. The Islamist terrorists have to be countered militarily, politically and above all, ideologically. To reduce the terrorist attacks in the cities, the provincial governments will have to take action. There is a need to sweep the cities and detain the suspected terrorists and their supporters in Islamist militant organisations. The federal and provincial governments should focus on the biggest challenge being faced by Pakistan and be prepared for this long drawn out unconventional war against terror, which is likely to last for a few years.
Politically, all the parties should mobilise their elected representatives to convince their followers and constituencies to support the action against the terrorists. The Islamist militants have been able to terrorise the people, and the parliamentarians are no exception. The recent example is that of Pervaiz Rashid. One fatwa from a bigot sent him reeling from one channel to another, backtracking from his comments. A question that we need to address is whether Pakistanis will be ruled by the constitution and its laws or by fatwas backed by the gun power of the terrorists. Bangladesh has banned such edicts, should Pakistan not do the same?
The most difficult task is to counter the jihadists’ narrative. They have an ideology that has many active and inactive sympathisers. According to one estimate in 2009, there are 104 militant groups and 230 religious parties in Pakistan. The militants have vast resources to propagate their ideology, which is not much different from al Qaeda’s. They produce one mullah for every 225 Pakistanis annually and have direct access to the people through over 250,000 pulpits. Not all preach terrorism, but a good majority sympathise with the cause of the jihadis. On the other hand, the state does not have any counter-narrative. On the contrary, its functionaries promote dubious Islamists through the compliant media, while the progressive people who challenge the jihadi ideology are harassed.
The writer can be reached at [email protected]. He is the author of What’s Wrong With Pakistan?