The Taliban took over Afghanistan’s control after the withdrawal of US-led forces in August 2021. The four years of Taliban rule can be viewed as a miserably failed effort to convert their rebellious drive into an effective regime. The Taliban have not learned any lessons from their previous experience of ruling Afghanistan and are committing the same mistakes. Contrary to the projection of an image of unity, the hardline Taliban regime is embedded with internal power struggles, poor administration, tenacious economic malpractice, and human rights violations to the extent of public discontent. Most analysts are of the opinion that the utmost empirical threat to the Taliban regime would be its internal power rift, as seen in the past after the Russian withdrawal from Afghanistan. These actions of the Taliban regime have forced the global community to deny diplomatic recognition to their rule.
Deep-rooted factionalism, the inability to provide basic public services, and the continuation of harsh social restrictions have collectively eroded the regime’s legitimacy and narrowed its political space for effective governance.
On 29 Feb 2020, the Doha Agreement was signed between the US and the Taliban, which the Taliban failed to honor in many ways-most importantly backing out of commitments to form an inclusive government and curb terrorist activities. It was agreed in the Doha Agreement that the establishment of a new Afghan Islamic government would be determined through Intra-Afghan dialogue, which never happened. There are 14 recognized ethnic groups, and the composition of major ethnic groups includes Pashtun-42%, Tajik-27%, Uzbek-9%, Hazara-8%. The Taliban government lacks political pluralism and has excluded all non-Taliban factions and ethnic groups. In the cabinet of 49 members including the PM, there are only 2 Tajiks, 2 Uzbeks, 2 Baloch, and 1 Nuristani. The Taliban government is made up of ex-militant commanders, all Pashtuns, wherein the key ministries are dominated by southern Pashtun clerics, sidelining Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras. Women have not been included in the government, and their presence is systematically erased from public life.
Decision-making remains confined to the Taliban’s inner Shura, with no public consultation or electoral mandate. The regime suppresses dissenting voices, bans independent media, and arrests critics instead of fostering dialogue. The US Institute of Peace, the 66th and 68th SIGAR Reports, Human Rights Watch 2022, and multiple UNAMA reports have time and again mentioned that the Afghan Taliban failed to abide by the commitments they made in the Doha Agreement and were unable to form an all-inclusive government. Supreme Leader Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada has developed a more centralized rule around his Noorzai tribal base. This has sidelined other key Taliban leaders like Mullah Baradar and Mullah Yaqoob, leading to parallel centers of power and resulting in clashes over policy and resources.
With few legitimate revenue streams remaining, the Taliban regime has become increasingly dependent on income generated from mining operations, many of which are controlled by powerful figures like Haji Bashir Noorzai. The rest comes from heavy taxation imposed on the general population. Even countries like Saudi Arabia and GCC states are reluctant to engage with and support the Taliban regime, which is viewed as hardline and extremist. Although the reduction in foreign aid has added further pressure on Afghanistan’s economy, the Taliban’s most serious challenges remain internal. Deep-rooted factionalism, the inability to provide basic public services, and the continuation of harsh social restrictions have collectively eroded the regime’s legitimacy and narrowed its political space for effective governance. Meanwhile, the Taliban’s rival groups, such as the Islamic State, are exploiting Taliban weaknesses to expand their influence in Afghanistan. Armed opposition groups, resistance movements at home, and Afghan leadership in exile are also finding abundant ground to reorganize as public dissatisfaction with the Taliban continues to grow.
The most glaring sign of the Taliban’s administrative shortcomings has been the prolonged closure of the Torkham border. This critical crossing point between Afghanistan and Pakistan has remained sealed, causing severe economic disruptions. As a key trade artery for Afghanistan, a landlocked country, Torkham’s closure has disrupted the movement of goods and people. The dispute arose from tensions over Pakistan’s construction of border infrastructure in contested areas, which triggered repeated skirmishes between the two sides. The shutdown has left hundreds of trucks carrying essential commodities-including food, fuel, and medical supplies-stuck at the border. This is inflicting significant losses on traders and worsening the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan. Of course, the Taliban regime is willing to pay any price to provide all kinds of support to TTP, including training and sheltering top leadership for their terrorist activities inside Pakistan on the behest of India.
The result of Taliban policies is that it is facing growing internal turmoil with infighting between its own factions and other armed groups across Afghanistan. This instability has encouraged resistance movements, particularly the National Resistance Front (NRF), which has intensified its operations nationwide. On 10 November 2025, the NRF attacked a Taliban checkpoint on Islam Qala Road near Herat, close to the Afghanistan-Iran border. During the NRF attack, two Taliban terrorists were killed, and their weapons were captured without any NRF casualties. The NRF stated that Afghans are fed up with Taliban rule and are striving to free the country from their illegitimate control. Warlord Ismail Khan, the “Lion of Herat,” has also joined the fight and is preparing his men for further assaults on the Taliban. Since 1 October 2025, resistance groups have reportedly killed at least 53 Taliban members across several provinces, posing an escalating challenge to Taliban authority. Analysts warn that in the absence of meaningful political reconciliation and structural reform, the Taliban regime risks internal discord that could eventually lead to its disintegration or downfall.
The writer is a researcher.