Money and its corrupting influence on politics is a significant challenge for democracies. Global media commentaries are replete with denunciations of the collusion between crooked politicians and powerful interest groups. To describe this patron-client system of exchange, political scientists and economists use concepts like patronage, clientelism and vote buying.
This system of political patronage and clientelism can be a considerable drag on development, especially, in weak states like Pakistan. It has contributed to misgovernance and myopic decision-making on critical national issues. The unhealthy nexus between politicians and power-brokers is behind the failure of land and tax reform. As a result, Pakistan has been economically and politically overtaken by its neighbours. The concept of clientelism also describes the way that Pakistan acts on the international stage; a state that will sell its sovereignty for cash at every opportunity.
Pakistan has evolved into a subservient rentier state weaned on international aid as well as betting on its nuclear capability and oversized military. This unworkable development model is unlikely to succeed. In contrast, the Asian economic behemoths based their success on a self-confident push towards self-reliance and investment in the education of their population. Like Pakistan, these countries initially struggled but then overcame their lack of natural resources to exploit. Pakistan didn’t succeed in this effort.
Pakistan’s patronage problems are rooted in its history. The country has constantly dealt with a deep sense of insecurity amid ever-present doubts over its survival. The lack of confidence has led to the execution of disastrous economic and foreign policies. The ill-thought-out plans and alignments have strengthened the dependency syndrome.
Pakistan’s patronage problems are rooted in its history. The country has constantly dealt with a deep sense of insecurity amid ever-present doubts over its survival. This lack of confidence has led to the execution of disastrous economic and foreign policies
Domestically, long periods of military rule squeezed out the inherent vitality and dynamism of the democratic process. The military succeeded in co-opting powerful political families to serve its narrow institutional interests. As a result, military-sponsored politicians and dynastic politics dominate the country’s political culture. This unhealthy environment has impeded the development of a broad-based institutional democracy.
Clientelism and oligarchy are the two best words to describe the nature of the country’s politics. Supporters and functionaries of the two largest political parties, PPP or the PML-N, have amassed personal fortunes or at least secure jobs for themselves and their relatives. This situation has stoked anger and resentment amongst those who cannot benefit from the system of patronage.
Dictatorial rule produced uneven economic growth, which exacerbated Pakistan’s severe problems of poverty, inequality, violence, and oppression. Economic policies pursued under civilian rule were not much better. The disastrous populist nationalization policies pursued in the 1970s, which were intended to correct the imbalances created by military rule stunted economic growth and investment. Nationalization left in its wake bloated public sector enterprises and a flight of precious capital.
Externally, to counter the imagined India threat, Pakistan became a client state of the Western power-bloc in the 1950s. The other choices at the time were to join the Soviet bloc or remain non-aligned. In retrospect, non-alignment and self-reliance would have served the country better. But the country’s military and civilian elite couldn’t resist the lure of shiny new weapon systems and economic handouts. The search for foreign patrons continues to this day. Now, increasingly disillusioned with an ‘unreliable’ US, the elite is hoping to be bailed out by China and Russia.
Managing pervasive patronage and clientelism can help trigger the beginnings of a long but difficult passage towards a functioning democracy and institution building. One based on checks and balances between different institutions of the state
The long legacy of patronage, a concentration of power and opportunity in the hands of only a few in Pakistan, has indeed been one of the key constraints in the country’s development. This setting has contributed to maladministration and high levels of corruption. It has also impaired the state’s ability to provide public goods or services, the weakness of the state, and its inability to maintain law and order in the country.
Charting a new course by acknowledging and learning from past mistakes, would be in order. Just hoping for change won’t be enough. Dealing with the ills brought about by political patronage — vote-buying, corruption, political dynasties — which hinder attempts to foster an “inclusive” economy that will benefit others besides the rich and the well-connected is a long drawn out process.
There is a good reason to believe that Pakistan could have a robust democracy from a reduction in patronage and clientelism. Several election cycles, new political parties and involvement of civil society is required to bring about a government that is accountable and more accurately reflects the will of the people. Consequently, the government won’t just belong to a small group of power brokers, landowners and businessmen.
Managing pervasive patronage and clientelism can help trigger the beginnings of a long but difficult passage towards a functioning democracy and institution building. One based on checks and balances between different institutions of the state. This course correction is certain to be a long and painful, given the entrenchment of the patron-client model in Pakistan. However, the sense of entitlement and the stranglehold on power by the elite must end, for the sake of the country’s development.
The writer can be reached at [email protected]
Published in Daily Times, November 13th 2017.