Everything was sailing quite smoothly for the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), its eyes on the next elections, when the Panama leaks questioned the financial credibility of the Sharif family. The leaks demoralised even its staunch supporters, leaving them with no choice except to retort with mean-spirited accusations aimed at the Shaukat Khanum Momorial Hospital, and Imran Khan, Chairman of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). Stuck in a quagmire, the PML-N voters simply do not know how to respond to the pointed and sometimes rude criticism of Mr Khan: whether they should get angry or be apologetic, be ashamed or fearless. They would have been more assertive had they truly believed in the innocence of their own leaders. But how could they stay confident if they were looking at the document providing them details of the companies linked to the Sharif family? The facts let them down from every angle, and the more they dig in to defend the Sharif family, the deeper in trouble they find themselves during media debates. Pushing them further to the wall, the former cricketer acts like a spoiled teen instead of a statesman. His political wisdom should guide him that this crisis is his chance to be a real leader. He must show the nation that he is ready to undertake that position. However, he seems to ignore the voice of reason, and prefers to scream, threaten, accuse and insult, a policy that attracts more enemies than friends, an attitude that is divisive and derogatory rather than unifying and respectable. The result? The rivalry between the two parties touches a new low everyday. Look at the protest in the UK in front of Jemima Goldsmith’s house. I think it was uncalled for and indecent. Now imagine what is coming next to Raiwind, a situation that can still be avoided if the parties act maturely. Notwithstanding the friction with the PTI, it still does not unveil the worst part of the story for the PML-N. And the worst part of their story is that no politician can blame the ‘Pindi Boys’ for hatching up a conspiracy against the democratic process or accuse them for undermining the will of the people this time. In the past, it was quite easy to hold the establishment responsible for the bad performance of all civilian governments. But this time, it is as though that the cover has been pulled away from politicians, exposing them to take the heat without dodging the question. So what are those questions that revolve around the Panama leaks controversy? There are at least five. First: how much money was transferred abroad by the Sharif family? The estimates range from few million dollars to hundreds of millions of dollars. Second: was that money earned through legal means? No matter what the family says and no matter how they explain themselves, people who have seen the lifestyle of the prime minister and his family cannot simply believe that the money was earned while staying within the frame of law. It is just not possible. Third: was it sent to avoid taxation or persecution? Most people would like to think of the former rather than the latter as the reason. Fourth: was it sent out through legal channels? According to the previous reports, not-so-legal channels were used to transfer the money. And last: why was the money not reinvested in Pakistan during the last eight years, especially when the PML-N is reassuring foreign investors about the safety of their assets? The common contention is that if the Sharifs cannot return their own wealth to Pakistan, why should foreigners put their capital in Pakistan. But how can we get to the bottom of the issue? As usual, the opposition, led by Mr Khan, believe the best way to deal with the crisis is for the prime minister to step down, as he and his family have lost the ‘moral authority’ to rule the country, which for the PTI, Nawaz Sharif never possessed in the first place, since Mr Khan tried his best but failed to topple the government in 2014 on the grounds (or lack thereof) of election rigging. So, it’s a non-starter. The prime minister, of course, disagrees with this demand. Using the state-run Pakistan Television as a family platform, Mr Sharif tried to calm down the opposition while explaining his position to the nation. He also offered to formulate a judicial inquiry commission that could investigate the issue. But Mr Khan has learnt his lesson this time; he knows that a judicial commission would not yield results. Firstly, its process is slow and messy, and, secondly, its powers and objectives are limited. Some governmental agencies comply with it, others do not. Those who do not comply cannot be made accountable specially if the incumbent government prefers non-compliance. And even if the commission finishes its job, the whole exercise still stays futile. Why? The only way its report sees the light of the day is when it is toothless and non-threatening to the people who hold power. If it threatens their power, it is thrown under the rug for an indefinite period of time. The most impartial and professional way of getting out of the issue is, in my opinion, by hiring private foreign firms specialising in white-collar crimes. Government should seek their help even when their role is to assist and not to lead. Reason? White-collar crimes are very complex to investigate. Pakistan does not have the expertise or the tools available to investigate and or prosecute them. Moreover, as suspicious as we are regarding one another’s motives, we will ruin the prestige of the person leading such a commission. Remember Justice Fakhruddin G Ibrahim? What happened to his reputation after he became the chief election commissioner? The same will happen to the person who heads a judicial commission investigating the Panama leaks. The writer is a US-based freelance columnist. He tweets at @KaamranHashmi and can be reached at skamranhashmi@gmail.com