There is no hurdle to democracy in Pakistan but the non-compromising attitude of the adherents of London Plan towards the parliamentary form of Government. Why has the political class not tuned to the presidential form of government? It is not opportune to look back at the socio-economic conditions that had made the idea popular but we can still suffice to say that they cannot think innovatively even to save their skins. The reality of Pakistan being extensively engaged with the US since long but its populace becoming virtually anti-American speaks volumes about the reality regarding the privileged class, which is taking hold of the parliament. This class is practically anti-liberal and uses religion as a shield to thwart progressive ideas and movement in order to carry forward the legacy of British Raj, which is marked with pro-feudal policies and an administration system led by Deputy Commissioners. When at comfort to have a favorable system in place, they simply do not want to experiment — mind their conservatism! Leave the politics till 2008 to the past and only try to understand what has happened since then. The burden of taxes remains confined to the lower and middle income groups. Various subsidies on kitchen goods have been effectively withdrawn while every call of international financial institutions to widen the tax base falls on deaf ears. The process of economic liberalization remained stalled till recently when the federal finance minister uttered that the state-owned loss earning entities would be thrown off in June this year. PEMRA carries a heavy mark on its credibility to work independently on its legs while other regulatory bodies have been taken over by relevant ministries. It, thus, makes safe to be corrupt, and insist on the availability of fundamental rights, only if you can manage to show some strength in Parliament—one house representing the people and the other, the four federating units. Two parties controlling the either of the Houses also have the power to nominate heads of constitutionally independent bodies like Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and National Accountability Bureau (NAB). Provinces have now been granted unprecedented autonomy, however, the parties ruling these federal units are averse to the idea of devolving power to the remote districts and divisions. Even though the country is under democratic rule, people are bound to look towards the peripheral cities — Lahore, Karachi, Quetta and Peshawar — for the sake of education and health. The benefits of devolving several ministries and divisions have been struck in provincial capitals and the long arm of the Centre remains active to suppress dissenting voices — just think of the bad luck that Karachi has been subjected to. Right after the 18th Constitutional Amendment, as Nawaz Sharif gets ready to buy up his third term at any cost, the talk of Third Party is getting louder. The powers-that-be did throw their lot on the side of PTI but the magic formula of the politics of reconciliation has once again worked and ‘false expectations’ of public still stand paralyzed before the next general elections. While fatigue appears on the captain’s face, the PPP has its own young horse in the field to save the system. Do general polls matter if good governance, sustainable development, and fundamental rights are not on the agendas of these political parties? Who is going to stand in the way of PML-N and PPP to retain their dominance in Punjab and Sindh respectively? The PML-N has struck its roots deep in South Punjab. If smaller provinces take their own way, the support for Northern Areas, AJK and FATA is enough to pitch the mainstream parties in the Centre. And, be assured, it is not democracy that allows the political class to manipulate its power to their advantage but the parliamentary form of government that hinges on “Give-and-Take principle”. It dangerously affords the phenomenon of friendly opposition. True that it has the capacity to hold diversities together but it also strengthens cleavages and divisions. How can one ignore the yearning of ‘autonomous provinces’ to confine the Centre only to foreign affairs! Has the Parliamentary form of government not allowed politicians, bureaucrats and generals to benefit from the NRO and also bask in the sunshine of power and authority? Who can think of the accountability becoming a joke right under the shadow of democracy? Who has gained advantages if the benefits of devolution have not yet reached the grassroots level? The burden of carrying the legacy of the colonial era is too heavy. The revenues — almost two-third of which is collected through indirect taxes — just serve the purpose of feeding one million state employees and paying the interest on loans taken from home and abroad to fund the development projects. Who will hold the government accountable on subjecting the lower and middle class to heavy taxes but denying them their due services if opposition switches to its friendly mode? Evading the questions of freedom and accountability and sticking to the legacies of colonial era does not merely undermine the fundamentals of democracy but also threatens the strategic location of the country. Going by the interest of the people dominating politics right now, there is no way left to improve the life standards and strengthen the economic foundation of the state. How can you defend long and porous borders but still continue to fuel anarchy in the society merely in the name of language and religion. If justice and freedom have lost relevance, how can a democratic order stay on its legs? If we want democracy to benefit the people at grassroots level, which includes good governance, sustainable development and fundamental rights, we have to think alternatively vis-à-vis our system of government. Just think about the presidency and our evolving relations with Russia, China and many other states, which are either a part of Shanghai Cooperation or thinking of joining it. Two other important countries that one would like to mention is the US, under Donald Trump, and Turkey, which is also going to see off its parliamentary form of government. The writer is an Islamabad-based veteran journalist and an independent researcher. He can be reached on Twitter @riazmissen