Daily Times

Some months ago, I posed a question whether Sindh was having a potential threat from the Federal authority and the majority province or by the provincial ruling elite and their administration being in power since 2008. I did not have any straightforward and clear answer to my question nor did it evoke any extensive intellectual discussion by the informed circles normally active on the social media. A few answers I received were an odd mélange of misconceptions and apprehensions and could not make out a clear and strong case of a definitive encroachment on any provincial domain by the federal government.

The people of Sindh have actually hit a cul-de-sac. They find themselves unable to break with their past political odyssey of 5 decades unshackling the ever strengthening hold of the feudal ruling elite overcrowding Pakistan People’s Party that bear allegiance to its founder only in name. They are also unable to chart out a new political course supporting any mainstream political party because of some genuine reasons. This indecisiveness we find in Sindh today owes a great deal to the nationalist thinking that is now inextricably intertwined in the political philosophy of its informed citizens. This has proved a lethal weapon to the clever politicians from the old feudal class for exciting, confusing and luring them in any election raising a parochial issue.

As borne out by the checkered history of Pakistan, the Sindhis have had genuine grievances before succumbing to any nationalist approach to the politics in the mid-1960s. No need to go through the catalogue of their grievances again and again. The mainstream political parties have lagged behind in the articulation of their position on the problems of concern to Sindh because of expedient political reasons. They are represented in Sindh by feudal politicians of dubious credibility or politicians from the urban centers with no roots in the province. No mainstream party, barring Jamaat Islami and Jamiat ul Ulema Islam, has worked earnestly to revamp its organizational structure and carry out political activities bonding with their followers in non-election years. Traditionally, Sindhis are secular in their thinking and approach. Therefore, the Islamist parties have been unable to make any breakthrough in the electoral politics of the province.

The politically conscious and informed class of the province has been shy of going into practical politics. The social media warriors confine themselves to keeping political posts on their walls enjoying comments and counter comments

Sindhis do admit that Pakistan People’s Party being in power since 2008 has inflicted more damage to the province by unprecedented misgovernance, corruption, nepotism and plunder of its assets and resources turning the provincial administration into a cesspool of sycophancy and incompetence. The district administration, police, treasury, irrigation, roads and buildings and educational officials are posted at the behest of the Ministers, National and Provincial Assembly members. Therefore, they do their bidding. The wellbeing of the people does not find a place even in their peripheral priorities.

They frighten the people with the impending repeal of 18th Amendment and the wrapping up of the parliamentary form of government. Sindhis are not enamoured with the 18th Amendment because they have reaped enormous socio-economic dividends in the years following this constitutional amendment. They support the amendment as it has resolved the chronic issue of provincial autonomy or the touchy question of devolution of powers from the federation to the federating units. The small federating units’ reservation to the presidential form of governance is also intertwined with the provincial autonomy. The majority province of Punjab will have dominance in the election of the president on adult-franchise basis with its larger count of votes than the combined electoral strength of all the remaining three provinces.

The masses of Sindh will continue to remain shackled by the power, influence and patronage of electoral demigods wearing on their brows the emblem of Bhuttos and making hay while the sun shines and keeping the common man on false promises if the informed sons of the land remain politically indecisive and disinterested bystanders. The political despair and disillusionment in the province is leapfrogging. The Grand Democratic Alliance, in hierarchy and leadership, is perceived no better than the feudal-dominated PPP. An alternative political platform that may attract the masses is acutely needed seeking support of all the well wishers of the Sindhi masses.

The politically conscious and informed class of the province has been shy of going into practical politics. The social media warriors confine themselves to keeping political posts on their walls enjoying comments and counter comments. The pundits of gloom and doom are galore. The rumor mongering is at the peak. No political concept was emerging from this intellectually stagnant situation. How long this should have remained so? The gravity of the situation was felt by a group of informed sons of this land volunteering to break this political stagnation, to stem the hitherto unchallenged loot and plunder – undaunted by the lack of financial resources and the fear of the hostility of feudal demigods.

They have identified the immediate problems confronting their people in their basic needs for good education, healthcare and security of life, honour and property, livelihood, prosperity, social justice, economic equity, rule of law and equality before law and above all, relief from the oppressive Thana culture. They are also well versed with the concerns of the people of Sindh on the main issues of geographical integrity of their land, ethnic division, provincial autonomy, fair division of resources from the central pool, honest distribution of waters from the Indus river system, federal jobs and the settlement of the outsiders in the province. The province needs to have honest and bold leadership to drive home their position on these complex issues. The leaders with lot of skeletons rattling in their cupboards cannot properly advocate the province’s case with the federation.

The new party will be organized from federal to provincial, divisional, district, tehsil and union council levels with a comprehensible constitution and manifesto. The public response so far is very encouraging. However, the main question is will the silent majority shun its chronic fear of unchartered waters and support the new political move for the sake of the tomorrow of their own children.

The author was a member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and he has authored two books