Daily Times

Even if you consider him to be enemy number one or detest him as an arch-terrorist more dangerous than Osama bin Laden, you can still appreciate the political acumen of the self-exiled leader of the MQM, Altaf Hussain, who has run the organisation alone via a microphone, a loudspeaker and a telephone for over two decades; a remarkable achievement on its own, especially where everyone from a military general to a cricketer wants to lead his own party.
Trust me, wannabe’s within his close associates and beyond have done everything possible to dethrone Altaf Hussain and/or to split the party into smaller factions, rendering it ineffective. For instance, in the 1990s, following the golden principle of divide and rule, ‘well wishers’ sponsored MQM Haqiqi to damage Mr Hussain’s popularity. However, did the implanted leaders accomplish anything except igniting a violent power struggle within the organisation? Hundreds of workers died because of the intra-party ‘civil war’ during that time. If ‘friends’ had any idea about the structure of the party or its hierarchy, they would have never made that mistake. Presumptuous about the mastery of their knowledge, they handpicked leaders who bore no leadership skills and carried zero personal charisma, guaranteeing their failure. Ask yourself: after 23 years in politics, do you remember their names or can you identify their faces? In future too, no one can lead a united and powerful MQM until Altaf Hussain himself wants to be replaced and voluntarily passes on his legacy to someone else. The question is if he ever will or will let the party decay and putrefy like a dead animal.
Let me leave that discussion for now and explain what I mean by the political astuteness of Mr Hussain. Till last week, most of us thought that the troubled leader had run out of all choices. The federal government was not willing to budge from its position on the operation, the Rangers were committed to continuing their action against violence and the provincial government ditched it even when the MQM was an ally. Who should Altaf Hussain turn to in this crisis? How can he persuade the authorities to listen to the complaints of his workers? He called a strike to shut down the city but that appeal had to be dropped after the direct intervention of the Rangers. Then he attempted to grab international attention by writing letters to the world community, pointing out how his party workers had been mistreated and how the Urdu-speaking community had been marginalised. That strategy backfired as well; it made him look like a traitor.
Should he have unleashed a series of public protests in response? Seems like a good choice on paper but on the ground its risks overweigh the benefits. First, he had to explain who he was protesting against, a challenge since the people do not storm the streets against the federal government, as we all know; instead, they come out against forces that are behind the scenes, which may turn violent, leading to the loss of innocent lives and further bloodshed. We all remember what happened last year in Model Town when the police killed dozens of workers belonging to the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT). The party would fail to organise an impressive show as many of its leaders are hiding from law enforcement agencies.
So, what could help him protect his workers and avoid further embarrassment? Turning towards the Supreme Court (SC). Sure, it would create the stir on television of a legal battle but the chances of any success in the apex court stand low particularly after its decision in favour of military courts.
Pushed against the wall, Altaf Hussain pulled out the ‘resignation card’ from his pocket and shocked everyone. No, it was not a wishy-washy, drenched-in-conspiracy resignation from the National Assembly like that of the PTI, which plotted to save its government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa while simultaneously destabilising the federal government led by the PML-N. Altaf Hussain meant business. The MQM had 24 seats in the National Assembly, 51 in the Sindh Assembly and seven in the Senate — a total of 82. It would resign from all of them at the same time. Compare that with the hypocritical resignations of the PTI that had 46 provincial assembly seats in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which it would not give up, 29 in Punjab that it planned to hold onto and it had won four in Sindh, which it would not endanger.
In the beginning, the speaker of the National Assembly accepted the resignations but there was a problem. Everyone knew that if the MQM departed from the assembly, first a genuine representation of the people of Karachi would be lost. Then, in the by-elections, the PTI would scavenge whatever was left to gobble up Karachi. With that, the National Assembly, which already tilts in favour of Punjab, would be further inclined towards Punjab-based political parties, a sign of nonfunctional democracy. Furthermore, with those extra seats in hand, the PTI could destabilise the democratic process much more than it did last year. Who could take that risk?
That is why a committee headed by Maulana Fazlur Rehman was formulated to broker a deal with the MQM, a victory for Mr Hussain to stay relevant and assertive. Some analysts believe Mr Hussain only needs a little face saving and would agree with a minimum amount of concessions and reassurances. However, he has played his cards carefully. If he is not given what he wants and his members pull out of the assembly, the Urdu-speaking community will stick behind him even more in the coming elections (plural). The reason? They will try to preserve their ethnic identity first. In addition, this will strengthen their belief that all members of parliament do not hold the same significance. There are some who have to be kept in the assembly by bending all the rules and then there are others who are dispensable like plastic dinner plates.

The writer is a US-based freelance columnist. He tweets at @KaamranHashmi and can be reached at skamranhashmi@gmail.com