Daily Times

There can be no siyasat (politics) without nazarya (ideology); those who compromise on this deserve to be killed. These are the views of my late father, who joined the Muslim League in 1940 and remained loyal to the party till his death in 1991. Despite his nazaryati differences with Ghaffar Khan’s Red Shirts, he always praised their steadfastness to their nazarya. His son, Wali Khan, continued with the same traditions. I once had the chance to interview him as leader of the opposition. His eyesight had been seriously impaired. On inquiry he told me that he had lost one eye during his imprisonment. He proudly remarked that we neither compromise nor run away as we believe in our cause.
A Muslim League child, I was impressed by Wali Khan’s views. He never sought power or authority. When his party was called upon to form coalition governments with Maulana Mufti Mahmud’s Jamiat-i-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) in NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and Balochistan, he nominated his party members for various posts whereas for himself he kept the position of rahber (guide). In 1975, when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto dismissed his provincial governments he was kept in confinement and tried for treason in the Hyderabad Conspiracy case, yet he refused to compromise.
Zulfikar Bhutto’s PPP was launched as a nazaryati party. The party survived two martial law onslaughts (Zia and Musharraf) as long as it held on to its nazarya of social equality. It was ahead in the 1970, 1977, 1988, 1992, 2008 elections. With the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, Asif Ali Zardari managed to take control of the party and changed its direction. According to party jiyalas (loyalists), Zardari succeeded in diffusing the party’s progressive character by compromising on their nazarya, a feat that even dictators could not accomplish. The PPP is no longer a left of centre party while the PML-N is neither right nor left; it is all muk muka and compromise.
It hurts to admit that the Muslim League was the first party to become a mistress of the establishment. Today, there are so many factions that it is even difficult to keep count. In the name of economic development, Ayub Khan took control of the country and created his own brand of the Muslim League called the PML-Convention. By 1956, the founding fathers had done the difficult part of nation building. Important institutions had been created and there was a clear vision to build the nation. The nazarya was hijacked and nazaryatis were sent home in October 1958.
After 10 years in power the mighty Khan decided to celebrate his ‘decade of progress’. It became obvious that only a few had developed at the cost of many. Loans, permits and empires in the absence of nazarya meant very little to the nation. Bhutto brought the nazaryatis back into the fold. His slogan of roti, kapra aur makaan (food, clothing and shelter) and a progressive awami (for the people) Pakistan spread like a forest fire. The country became a constitutional democracy. Those who were harassed by thanas (police) were now running the country and striving for public welfare. Like most good things it did not last long. Zia took over to crush the nazaryatis. Zulfikar Bhutto was sent to the gallows and through the partyless elections of 1985 a lota (turncoat) squad, devoid of any nazarya, was created; till today the nation continues to suffer at their hands.
Nazaryatis have to earn their badges through struggle and sacrifice. The ‘kaptaan’ uses the term fasli bataray (seasonal partridges) for individuals who appear on the scene at the time of harvesting. They cannot qualify as nazaryatis. Standing behind dictators or democrats does not qualify individuals to be classified as nazaryatis as their old stripes are always visible. Wali Khan was a true nazaryati as he refused to compromise on his nazarya of a democratic Pakistan with autonomous provinces. He stood for a confederal structure of government. He believed in his nazarya till the end and needed no certificates to prove his credentials.
It is a tale of two Prime Ministers (PMs): one went to the gallows for his beliefs while the other compromised and went to Jeddah to return to power. Compromises, maafi naamas (forgiveness appeals) and the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) are the hallmarks of politics in our times. The parting words of Shaukat Aziz to his cabinet were, “We will be taking oath soon.” The lawyers’ movement turned the apple cart upside down. Aziz sahib never ever dared come back to the country for his misdeeds while his cabinet members tried to take refuge in other parties. Some have even claimed to be nazaryatis. Musharraf did return to face humiliation and faked his illness to avoid arrest.
In the Auyb era, it was fashionable to have Khan as the last name while in the Zia regime displays of piety became popular. Musharraf was all for enlightened moderation. Seasonal partridges are always on the lookout for a bountiful harvest. Ideology or nazarya is not important for them. Even the kaptaan cannot crown the fasli batarays with the title of nazaryati unless they prove it by their struggle and sacrifice.
Wali Khan, the nazaryati leader of Pakistan, was very fond of using this proverb: “One cannot run with the hare and hunt with the hound.” It is time to hunt down the hounds that have been hounding the nation for the last three decades (1985-2015). The hare may have a small mind but it has the capacity to struggle, together with a sharp memory. No wonder it is said that “Slow and steady wins the race.” The hounds have been exposed, their game is over and their days numbered. Their past misdeeds have disqualified them from entering the ranks of the nazaryatis. Certificates and medals cannot resurrect them. It takes years to build credibility but once it is compromised it takes forever to regain it. It is curtain time for Zia looteras and Musharraf lotas.

The writer is ex-chairman of the Pakistan Science Foundation. He may be contacted at fmaliks@hotmail.com