Daily Times

Everyone hates Altaf Hussain in Punjab. And by everyone, I mean anybody from age seven to age 87 irrespective of gender! The feeling runs so strong that if asked who is more dangerous, Osama bin Laden or the MQM leader, I am afraid they would pick the latter. That is why I do not pose this question as I do not know what I am going to do with the response. Would I call all of them terrorists or the supporters, abettors and financiers of al Qaeda? Of course not. But I do ask myself: what has damaged the reputation of the MQM to this extent? Is it its (alleged) association with crime? Or is it an ethnicity problem? The people of Punjab have voted for Benazir and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto for a long time, which makes me think it is not an ethnic issue but I still do not rule it out completely. Sure, violence can also a play a role in building a bad reputation but, remember, al Qaeda is also violent, much more so than the Karachi-based organisation. Then, what is it? I think, more than anything else, it is the on-again, off-again relationship of the party with the establishment. Nothing else.
Remember what happened on May 12, 2007? In order to support the dictatorial regime of General Pervez Musharraf against the deposed Chief Justice (CJ), Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, the MQM set the city ablaze with mob violence, which resulted in the deaths of at least 50 political workers, sending a message to all the political parties: the MQM does not betray its mentor; it will stand by its side no matter what. After Pervez Musharraf, the relationship of the MQM with the establishment cooled off though. This was not good news but the MQM managed to survive by forging an alliance with the PPP, which required its support in the National Assembly (NA) and would in return protect its junior partner from the onslaught of the establishment, if there was any.
Keeping in mind their complicated history, many of us thought the relationship between the PPP and MQM would not survive. However, quite unexpectedly, it turned out to be perfect, almost ideal. In their five-year-long escapade, each one of them worked very hard to make Karachi a living hell for ordinary people: the number of target killings soared, roadside robberies escalated and kidnappings for ransom shot through the roof. No one paid attention to the plunging economy of the city or the growing insecurity of the common folks who thought their lives meant nothing more than short-lived breaking news on television or a ticker at the bottom of the screen.
Things got so out of hand by 2013 that when Nawaz Sharif took over, he had no choice except to launch another operation in the city if he wanted Pakistan’s economy to be revived. After a series of meetings with all the political parties, including the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) and MQM, the operation kicked off gently choosing its locations with care. However, as the new Chief of Army Staff (COAS) was swore-in, it grew more pointed, its target no other than Altaf bhai himself. Its colour also turned from a Chaudhary Nisar-led action to a core commander-led military venture. General Raheel Sharif, in this manner, broke off all ties with the political allies of General Musharraf setting new rules for the game. For the MQM, this meant the violence it exercised to help the previous chief would now be used against it to justify the ongoing military campaign. Do you see the irony?
Maybe Altaf Hussain did not understand the gravity of the situation and thought his cozy relationship with the establishment would continue even if he lambasted the military. I am sure he must have gotten a pretty good idea now after the decision of the Lahore High Court (LHC) in which Justice Syed Mazhar Ali Akbar Naqvi ordered the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) to implement a ban on the speeches and images of the leader of the MQM both in the print and the electronic media. The cases initiated by advocate Aftab Virk and Abdullah Malik argued that the “anti-army” remarks of Altaf Hussain should be considered as an act of treason against the state, and the exiled leader as such should be tried as a traitor. I guess it is because of this new realisation that the MQM has not retaliated much.
The bottom line is that when the MQM wielded guns against the people in 2007 to support a dictator, it forgot the dictator would go home one day, the new chief would settle in and the people’s power would return. On that day, the agencies that helped provide the political party weapons would change their preferences and use the same guns as evidence against it. And it is because of that the MQM stands all alone today with no political support. Had there been one popular political party on its side, be it the PTI or PML-N, things would have been very different for Altaf Hussain. It can still try to align itself with either one of them and by doing so it may soften the hearts of the people of Punjab. In future, the party should remember to choose its friends only among the politicians; it should know that it cannot count on its association with the umpire for long-term success.

The writer is a US-based freelance columnist. He tweets at @KaamranHashmi and can be reached at skamranhashmi@gmail.com