A Consensual Blunder

Author: Ali Imran Atta

It might be a serious miscalculation if the prime democratic institute were to pave safe passage to the notorious outfit TTP. A weak parliament appears to have taken the responsibilities and burdens of peace negotiations with the terrorist groups. Despite this, security institutions are eager for assistance from the parliament.

Rather than solely a matter of regional security, Pakistan’s discussions with the TTP represent a battle for the country’s character. One of the few areas of agreement during this long war on terrorism is that it’s time to rethink the country’s ideological foundation. There hasn’t been a miracle result yet from this consensus since the state continues to misuse religion and support extremist groups, whether on purpose or by accident. Observers also wonder if political groups and civil society genuinely feel they can stand up to religious and intellectual extremism. They also question whether or not the PPP’s attempt to bring the subject to parliament is only a ruse to give credibility to the entire process led by security agencies.

The PPP’s political ideology of ”democracy is the best the revenge” does not support the legitimacy of the TTP discussions. Pakistan’s citizenry and political parties like the PPP, which are more vociferous and aligned against extremism, may be adversely affected if a terrorist organization gets mainstreamed.

PPP believes the assassination of former Pakistani “prime minister Benazir Bhutto” was part of an even larger conspiracy hatched by the TT. There is a strong possibility that the existing party leadership is looking above their concerns in favour of the country’s greater good. As a foreign minister in the alliance administration, the party chairperson must be motivated by his mother’s ideals, such as expanding trade with Central Asian countries. While serving as Benazir Bhutto’s interior minister in the early 1990s, Naseerullah Babar created an Afghan Commercial Development Cell to establish trade channels between the government and Central Asia and aid the Taliban with money.

The PPP’s political ideology of ‘’democracy is the best the revenge’’ does not support the legitimacy of the TTP discussions.

A change from geostrategic to geoeconomics planning has been hinted at for some time by governmental agencies. A successful transition to the new paradigm may be possible if the TTP hurdle is removed and more confidence is given to the Taliban regime in Kabul. The institutions appear to depend on ties with Kabul for their desired shift in geo-economic relations. The most notorious regional terrorist outfit will harm and shrink back diplomatic solutions for the people of this country.

The administration suggests that negotiations with the TTP are still at a point where a public debate is not required. Parliamentary Committee on National Security (PCNS) was briefed by military leadership on the TTP talks in recent days. Speaking with an outlawed group had been approved informally by the committee. Negotiations must be approved by parliament before they can begin. If the pact is a done deal, a few dissident voices in the parliamentary debate won’t be able to stop the conclusion.

It’s no secret that there are many reasons to support negotiations with terrorists. According to reports, the military leadership in the last PCNS meeting told lawmakers that the TTP could participate in the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K) and that a negotiated settlement with the TTP is necessary, not a choice. There was talk of dealing with the TTP as far back as 2019, even before they seized Kabul from the Taliban. At the time, the argument was that locating the individuals who had gone missing and were thought to be hiding among the TTP fighters was necessary. State institutions in Pakistan may be seeing the terrorist group more clearly because of the enhanced mirror settings.

There are some probabilities when it comes to the IS-K factor, but a lot depends on the TTP’s internal rifts. It would be necessary for the TTP to repudiate the Taliban and swear allegiance to IS-K leader Abu Hassan al-Hashimi al-Qurayshi before they would be able to join the Islamic State’s ranks as an IS-K affiliate. There are so many TTP members, and the Taliban administration has waged war on ISIS that they can’t make such a massive error.

One of the TTP’s most powerful factions believes that talks will lead to a peaceful resolution, but few disagree. Even those who disagree with the IS-ideology K’s will hesitate before joining because of the group’s extreme exclusivity and lack of long-term viability. From the perspective of security analysts, any agreement between the TTP and the administration of Pakistan will give Al Qaeda considerable influence in bordering tribes. As a result, Al Qaeda will likely endorse the peace talks. In addition, the pact provides the IS-K with a chance to penetrate Pakistani territory.

TTP has repeatedly stated that it will not budge from its core demand, which is that the ex-Fata union with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa be overturned. This is crucial to note. According to Mufti Noor Wali Mehsud, the TTP’s head mufti, supposedly interviewed in Kabul, claimed as much in a viral video interview that went through social media. Other rumours say TTP has asked for three months to start negotiating its demand for reversing the status of tribal districts from Pakistan’s government, which was conveyed during a recent visit by Pakistan’s jirga to Kabul.

What will happen if parliament decides to modify the Constitution to meet the demands of a terrorist organization? This could have significant legal, political, social, and ideological ramifications. State surrendering to terrorists would be the bare minimum. There must be a better way for the government to engage with the TTP danger. And do the political groups have the fortitude to state that they want the problem deferred until there is an actual dialogue in society and within and among the political parties? ‘

The writer is a PhD candidate.

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