Daily Times

In the wake of the drop scene of dharna (sit-in) by the activists of the Sunni Tehreek and their sympathisers at D-Chowk in Islamabad, government has come under incessant criticism by the opposition politicians, some intellectual circles and section of the media accusing it of having failed to establish the writ of the state and adopting a grovelling stance towards the religious fanatics. The remedy suggested by some was the use of force to dislodge a few thousand agitators maintaining, “Yes, it would have been bloody. But that would have been the test of a leader in times that try men’s souls.”

Ironically, the same circles were highly critical of the Punjab government in handling the ugly situation at the headquarter of the Minhaj-ul-Quran in Model Town, Lahore, when an attempt was made to establish the writ of the state through force, resulting in quite a number of deaths, and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) government still being castigated for its high-handedness. It is indeed a situation quintessential of “Damned if you do, damned if you don’t” for the government. It also reflects hypocrisy of the first order on the part of critics of government. Establishing the writ of the state or the government does not mean that the force invariably should be used to tackle law and order situations. There are other methods to defuse the situation. The resort to force is the ultimate weapon in the hands of government when other peaceful means fail to produce the desired results. Employing the available options depends on the situation.

The spectacle of clerics and their followers occupying the D-Chowk, damage done to the Metro station and other public property, disruption of life in the capital, and the ease with which the protesters managed to reach the venue, is indeed very worrying, and it reflects on the ability of the administrations of the twin-cities to think and act smartly to prevent the emergence of a situation that caused a great deal of damage to the image of the country as well as embarrassment to the federal government. But as the saying goes, all is well that ends well.

The success of the government in finally having the D-Chowk vacated from the demonstrators without firing a bullet is laudable, notwithstanding the long time it took to resolve the issue. It can in no way be construed as abdication of authority by the government. An incisive look at the points agreed upon between the government and the leaders of the Sunni Tehreek reveals that government has not made any substantial concessions in regards to its stance on the demands preferred by the radical organisation. In fact, government has remained firm on its position taken on some of the issues mentioned in the agreement. The interior minister in his press conference categorically stated that from among the arrested activists of the Sunni Tehreek, only those would be released who are innocent. Those who are found involved in damaging public property or acts of vandalism would be dealt under the law, and appropriate action would also be taken against those who made hate speeches.

Reportedly, a number of cases against the leaders of the Sunni Tehreek have been registered in Islamabad police stations. Where is the hint of abdication of authority by the government? The government actually handled the situation tactfully, although at some point during the sit-in indications did emerge that force might be used against the agitators. My view is that the government used it as a pressure tactic against the occupiers of the D-Chowk, who also wished to have a face-saving exit from the stalemate. To prevent recurrence of similar situations, government is contemplating to permanently ban demonstrations at the venue through legal measures, and it has already ordered redesigning the D-Chowk to make it difficult for any would-be agitator to use it as a venue for a sit-in.

To be fair to the government, it must be conceded that it is firmly wedded to the crusade against terrorism, religious extremism and religious militancy. The launching of the Zarb-e-Azb, the National Action Plan (NAP), and stepping up of operations against terrorists, militants of proscribed religious outfits, sleeper cell of terrorists and their sympathisers in the wake of the Gulshan-e-Iqbal Park attack in Lahore are testimonies of government’s commitment to rid the country of extremism and terrorism. Government has also taken a number of liberal steps to cast off the shadows of religious orthodoxy and political conservatism it is often accused of by its opponents. Realities speak for themselves. The reality is that the PML-N government has shown rare courage in taking on religious extremists and terrorists who have been on the rampage unchecked during the last three decades and even enjoyed the patronage of the praetorian powers.

The Operation Zarb-e-Azb, NAP, and the intelligence-based operations despite their success are not the comprehensive answer to challenges like terrorism, religious extremism and religious militancy. These initiatives are meant to eliminate the effects of these menaces. They need to be supplemented by an ideological Zarb-e-Azb that challenges the narrative of terrorists and militants through a counter-narrative. That part cannot be won through the barrel of the gun. It will, undoubtedly, be a long drawn-out war on that front, as changing the mind-sets and wrong notions regarding religious injunctions is not only a very complex and arduous undertaking but also a patience-testing phenomenon. There are no quick-fix solutions available in this regard. Moreover, it is a very sensitive issue in view of the fact that religious militancy and religion-inspired hate syndrome are very well entrenched in our society. All steps taken in this regard are likely to be met with lot of resistance as is evident from the staunch opposition from religious circles in respect of the implementation of some of the elements of the NAP, like bringing the seminaries into the mainstream education system, and their regularisation and registration.

Those who are critical of the slowness in regard to the implementation the of NAP need to comprehend the difficulties and sensitivities involved. The ideological Zarb-e-Azb would need to have the participation of the entire society, including religious leaders who do not subscribe to the views of terrorists and militants. It would also need the support of media to have absolute denunciation of the destruction-narrative of terrorists. And to disseminate salient features of the counter-narrative strategy, government, through its persistent and well-coordinated efforts, needs to spread the true teachings of Islam, particularly the ones pertaining to non-violence in religious matters and the commandments forbidding taking of arms against the state. The masses also have to play their part by exercising utmost vigilance, and squeezing the sources of funding for terrorists, which they usually collect through donations and charities. It has to be a national effort. Government or army cannot tackle the challenges related to terrorism and religious extremism unless the entire nation supports and participates in the fight against them.

The writer is a retired diplomat, a freelance columnist and a member of the visiting faculty of the Riphah Institute of Media Sciences, Riphah International University, Islamabad. He can be reached at ashpak10@gmail.com