Daily Times

There are three prominent Sunni groups Salafi, Barelwi, and Deobandi. The Barelwi faction is at the top as it constitutes 75-80pc of the total population, Deobandis and Ahl e Hadith contribute by 20pc and 5pc respectively. Unlike Deobandis and Salafis, Barelwis perceive Sufism as an unavoidable part of Islam. Love of Prophet Muhammad S.A.WW is central to the Barelwi creed. They maintain that Prophet Muhammad S.AWW is created from the light of God (Nur). He S.A.WW is omnipresent, alive, and infallible. Barelwis celebrate the birth of Prophet S.AWW and Urs of Awliya e Allah. The Deobandi group is at odds with the Barelwi clique over the superhuman characteristics the latter has attached to the Prophet S.AWW.

As we know that TLP follows Barelwi tradition, so we have to focus on the Barelwi roots of TLP. The erosion of the Mughal Empire since the early 18th century was being taken as a loss of Muslim power. Furthermore, the 1857 war of independence’s failure left the religious scholars or ulemas shocked. They construed it as a result of moral crisis among Muslims and felt the need of revitalizing the Islamic faith. To revive faith, religious scholars preferred the unsullied and original form of the Islamic version. The bid to revive or reform religion resulted in various movements like Ahl e Hadith and Deoband in Sub-continent. Gradually, as colonialism got more currency, Sufism came under extreme criticism. The vociferous critics of Sufism were inspired by the “Enlightenment” or “The age of reason.” Modernists took Sufism contrary to rational thinking and reformists thought that Sufism was not a part of the pure version of Islam. Palpably, another Sunni sect ‘Barelwi’ came into being in the nineteenth century. This sect emerged to defend Sufism and to answer the objections raised by the revivalists. Under the stewardship of Syed Ahmad Raza Khan (R.A), the Barelwi movement gained momentum. He answered various questions akin to Sufism, which were raised by the opponents. Usha Sanyal in her book, “Ahmad Riza Khan Barelvi; in the path of the Prophet” writes that Ahmad RazaKhan was of the view that “the saints are intermediaries between the believer and God in a chain of mediation that reaches from each pir to the preceding him, all the way to the Prophet and thence to God.”

Zia ul Haq’s alliance with Deobandi institutions and the creation of the Taliban led to further dominance of Deobandis.

Similarly, there was another controversy among the Muslim reformers regarding the belief in the intercession of saints with Allah on behalf of ordinary persons.

In his second visit to Mecca in 1905-6, Ahmad Raza wrote three Fatawa. One of them was Al-Dawlat-al-Makkiyya bi’lMaddat-al- Ghaybiyya. It was written on the “Prophet’s knowledge of unseen.” This was a topic of much debate between Ahmad Raza Khan and Deobandi Ulemas. Usha Sanyal mentions Ahmad Raza’s ideas that “One (Allah) is the source of knowledge and other (Prophet S.AWW) is dependent upon it. In Allah’s case, the knowledge is zaati(personal) and in the second case, it is ata’i (gifted).”

For dispelling all doubts of opponents regarding the Prophet’s knowledge of the unseen, Ahmad Raza resorted to Quran. He presented verse no. 179 of Surah aal e Imran and verse no. 26-27 of Surah jin as an argument in which Allah says that he gives secret knowledge to those he wants among his chosen ones. So, Ahmad Raza Khan issued many Fatwas to answer the various questions regarding Sufism, fasting, prayer, pilgrimage, and relations with other groups of Muslims and non-Muslims. Following the death of Ahmad Raza Khan Barelwi in 1921, Barelwis laid the foundation of the All India Sunni Conference to expand its influence in the Sub-continent.

As far as Pakistan’s establishment is concerned, Thomas K Guglar in chapter 13 of the book “Faith-based violence and Deobandi militancy in Pakistan,” writes,

“The Barelwis were among the first to support the Pakistan Movement and the demand for an independent Islamic state. In contrast, the Dar-al-Uloom Deoband and the majority of the Deobandi clerics opposed the creation of Pakistan and interpreted the project of establishing a Muslim state as an obstacle against the Islamization of India as a whole. Ironically, Islamic state politics in Pakistan was mostly in favor of Deobandi, and more recently Salafi institution.”

Maulana Shabir Ahmad Usmani was the leading pro-Pakistan faction of Deobandis. His party All India Jamaat e Ulema Islam turned into Markazi JUI in 1947. Similarly, the Barelwi party All India Sunni Conference transformed into Markazi-Jamaat-i-Ulema-i-Pakistan in March 1948. After the inception of Pakistan, Deobandis who were in favour of Pakistan’s creation played a more unavoidable role in Pakistan than the Barelwis. Maulana Usmani was selected in the constituent assembly and Barelwis could not get attention. Barelwi party (MJUP) was not happy with the emerging nexus between Deobandi Party (MJUI) and AIML. Ayub Khan’s bid to introduce a “modernized” form of Sufism and his establishment of the Auqaf department to bring the shrines under state control left a negative impression on Barelwis. Until the 1970s, the Barelwi party (JUP) could not get sufficient attention vis-à-vis Deobandis. Zia ul Haq’s alliance with Deobandi institutions and the creation of the Taliban led to further dominance of Deobandis. Occupation of Barelwi Madaris by Deobandis and Barelwi’s little political representation led them to take arms in hand for securing their rights. This sense of alienation paved way for a militant group Sunni Tehreek in 1990. The slogan of this militant group was that “we will scarify our youth to protect our mosques.” Then Deobandi-Barelwi conflicts became rife. Both targeted each other’s leadership. Musharraf’s bid to use Sufism or Barelwism to counter Deobandi militancy could not work more. Furthermore, PPP also used Barelwism to combat the Talibanization of Pakistani Society but to no avail.

Arslan Ahmad and Bilal Zafar Ranjhahave done a marvelous job in explaining Barelwism’s turn to militancy. In their research paper, titled, “Salafising Barelwiyat: Salafi Doctrine of Al Wala’ Wal Bara and TLP politics in Pakistan,” they mention that “After the incident of Nishtar Park (2006) (in which abbas Qadri, the Sunni Tehreek leader with his followers was killed), Asia Masih case (2009) and assassination of Salman Taseer (2011), the Barelwis who engaged in militant activities for self-protection have changed their policy from militancy to the process of activism around the issues of Namoos-e-Risalat and Ishq e Rasool S.AWW. This has made them powerful to the extent that they can challenge the writ of state whenever they want.”

In addition to this, the researchers maintain that TLP is following some of the elements of Salafistideology “Al-Wala’ Wal-Bara,” which directs to love those Muslims who follow your way of thinking and abhor non-Muslims along with Muslims who are against your ideology. The case of Dr Tahir ul Qadri is in point, who was badly criticized by the TLP leader Khadim Rizvi for condemning the killing of Salman Taseer. So, the analysis of TLP’s roots suggests that from the emergence of the Barelwi sect to the creation of Pakistan, there were ideological differences but unavoidable support to Deobandis, and a sense of alienation among Barelwis after Pakistan’s creation led to Barelwi militancy.

The writer is a graduate of Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad