Daily Times

The indication of US support to India for joining the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) as well as Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) does not augur well for the future of talks regarding non-proliferation of nuclear arms in South Asia. US President Barack Obama on Tuesday supported India’s candidature for membership of the NSG. Mr Obama made this announcement after a meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is on a three-day visit to the US at Obama’s invitation. By endorsing India for the membership of elite groups of nations dealing in nuclear technology and its control, Mr Obama has signalled the US intention to create a deeper partnership of the world’s two largest democracies, which would expand commercial ties and check the influence of an increasingly assertive China. Reportedly, the members of the MTCR, an international anti-proliferation grouping, have agreed to admit India. A deadline for members of the 34-nation group to object to India’s admission had already expired on June 6, 2016. Admission to the MTCR would open the way for India to buy high-end missile technology, also making more realistic its aspiration to buy surveillance drones. New Delhi has also applied to join the NSG, a 48-nation club that governs trade in commercial nuclear technology. Joining the NSG will be much more difficult because China is a member and has backed the membership aspirations of Pakistan. Nevertheless, the breakthrough on the MTCR is a sufficient proof of strengthening of ties between India and the US.

Pakistan is concerned about the deepening of relationship between India and the US, and seeks fair treatment regarding Pakistan’s plans of joining the NSG. However, there are certain allegations that provide grounds to the US to resist Pakistan’s ambitions of joining the elite group of the NSG. The presence of banned outfits like the Jamaat-ud-Dawa and Jaish-e-Mohammad in Pakistan as well as the accusation of transfer of nuclear technology to bad actors like North Korea make Pakistan’s stance weak about its capability to become a part of the NSG. A trust deficit has always been the main feature of the transactional relationship, historically, between Pakistan and the US. Not-so-concealed feelings of betrayal have always been the hallmark of this love-hate relationship over the years. Though successive Pakistani leaderships have always been pro-west, yet they have never been able to win the complete trust of the US. While safeguarding its own interests, the US is following a nuanced policy between Pakistan and India. Mainly two factors explain this phenomenon. First, China is in quest of attaining the status of a superpower, the ambition the US wishes to contain. Second, the US views India favourably, both as a counterweight to the rise of China, as well as because of India’s huge emerging economy as a vast consumer market with untold business opportunities in addition to being a huge buyer of weapons. A trust deficit also exists between the US and Pakistan due to the alleged duality of policies of Pakistan in the past, which still causes suspicion despite a belated crackdown against militants, stated now to be irrespective of ‘good’ Taliban and ‘bad’ Taliban and their supporters.

There is no doubt that nuclear technology should be used for positive purposes, yet proper check of its negative use is also necessary. The US should review its policy of trade with India and aid for Pakistan. Similarly, world powers need to adopt a fair treatment of all states that have acquired nuclear technology, and they must ensure that only those states are rewarded with membership of elite groups that are capable of ensuring its positive use for the wellbeing of humanity.*