Daily Times

Since the creation of Pakistan, severaldomestic disordersparticularly in the domain of internal security emerged from ethnic movements. So, if this happens again in the future, it will never be for the first time for the countrythat a peripheral nationalist movementhas erupted on the social and political horizon. However, such an event will advance and group itself with already existing issues to challenge Pakistan’s internal security apparatus. Few of such eruptions in the past did prove uncontainable for Pakistan. The division of Pakistan at the hands of the sub-nationalist Bengali movement in 1971 remains a pertinent yet painful experience from the past.Similarly, in Sindh, the separatist demands based on deprivation themes have been simmering sincelong. The secessionist demands in Baluchistan have also been smolderingwith a notable intensity particularly after the advent of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor project (CPEC). Somehow the contemporary political and social environment in Pakistan remains vulnerable for such movements that attract sponsorship from the neighborhood and hostile intelligence agencies within no time.

It is obvious that all such problems have a direct or at least an indirect link with the political, economic, and social environment in the region. With the sponsorship so clearly visiblealmost all of these fissiparous propensities inPakistanwere never indigenous.Though born out of genuine issues, these movements got manipulated, hijacked,thrived, and survived merely due to uninterrupted hostile sponsorship. Genuine movements that focused on democratic rights without challenging the integration of the country seldom attained relevance. Only those which focused on challenging the existence of Pakistan shot to prominence. The relevance, coverage, and financial patronageto such sub-nationalist activities became guaranteed, only if the deprivation themescould be engineered and crafted encouraging a centrifugalappeal. Although hostile effort continuesto taint and twist genuine movements as well, however, some indigenous movements are difficult to be manipulated. For instance, the demand for constitutional rights in Gilgit-Baltistan, which indicates unquestionable integration with the state, the subversive narrative falls short of achieving an anti-state product. Thus such movements are influenced in a way that the local populace turnshostile, if not against the state, then at least against the state institutions.

Due to overt anti-state activities, media in Pakistan continued to ignore PTM, but this deficiency was over-compensated by the Indian mainstream media, which created a synergy in Indian narratives and that of PTM

In the aftermath of the war against terrorism in Pakistan, Pashtun nationalism emerged as a new sub-nationalist drive in tribal areas. With a very humble beginning, few students belonging to the Mehsud tribe began the Mehsud Tahaffuz Movement in May 2014.The student hostel of Gomal University became the birthplace for this movement.Being unnoticed by traditional media outlets, the movement, that by now converted into Pashtoon Tahafuz Movement (PTM), was deftly using the power of social media.This helped PTM to fascinatethe international audience and unleash a disinformation campaign against the state institutions. By early 2018, Pashtun Protection Movement (PTM) emerged as a daunting threat to Pakistan’s state institutions. The matter which should have been handled at the grass-root was handled by the top brass. This relevance was exploited by PTM which refused to be handled by the government representatives at the local level. Protests (particularly against the extra-judicial killing of Naqeebullah Mehsud in Karachi) added to the PTM’s stature and prominence. With visible funds and support from the neighborhood, PTM began to hold rallies, contact politicians and took onboard members of academia. Soon elite educational institutions were also seen hosting PTM sponsored programs. Due to overt anti-state activities, media in Pakistan continued to ignore PTM, but this deficiency was over-compensated by the Indian mainstream media,which created a synergy in Indian narratives and that of PTM. While PTM publically desecrated Pakistan’s national flag, the Afghan national flag replaced the national banners in PTM gatherings. Social media accounts managed by PTM activists started to call for a separate territory integrated with Afghanistan. In April 2019, the military took on the PTM directly, warning that evidence forPTMs funding by foreign intelligence agencies was available. While “denial of relevance” should have been the strategy, direct warning by Pakistan’s military paid in favor of PTM by further advertising their campaign, getting them more sponsorship from hostile agencies. This saw an increase in allegations of grave human rights violations by Pakistan’s military. The subject of “missing persons” once again echoed countrywide. Now, even though Pakistan’s military was ready to accept the majority of demands by PTM, the later was not ready to drop its subversive campaigns. PTM’s leadership became more vocal in naming and targeting institutions. Tweets by President Ashraf Ghani and the election of PTM activists to the National Assembly further emboldened the subversive campaign.

It can be understood that PTM had harmed itself a great deal by playing into the hands of foreign sponsors. A genuine youth-led progressive and democratic political struggle got completely hijacked. Many of the demands, that I believe were genuine, could have been addressed without PTM treading an anti-state course. In the longer run, this also discredited the genuine demands of Pashtuns as the rhetoric against the military and desecration of Pakistan’s flag made their voices leastsympathetic and receptive to the people of Pakistan. In any movement for a cause, where the population withdraws its support, that cause is likely to die away. While PTM spoke of cruelty and injustices, the government was able to show-case new a changed life in tribal areas. New schools, metaled roads, modern markets, and well-equipped hospitals in tribal areas were telling an encouraging story infavor of the government. While “Winning Hearts and Minds” (WHAM) campaigns paid in favor of the Pakistan Army,PTM’s credibility came under scrutiny as it had become embroiled in the regional geopolitical,and internal security wars. Now with an unrealistic anti-army narrative, clearly visible foreign sponsorship, and general population critical of the PTM, the movement lost its credibility and trustworthiness. But this doesn’t mean that PTM is no longer relevant to hostile intelligence agencies.

PTM with “nothing more to lose” continues with its subversive campaign. This time it is trying to occupy civil society space in the frontier region. The government needs to focus on the population instead of focusing on an aggressive PTM centric response plan. Both social space and relevance to PTM should be denied through attaining the same amongst the local populace. The top bureaucracy, political leadership, and top brass should let this issue be handled at the lowest possible level of civil administration.In a bid to involve the local populace, the government must consider all Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) including the Not-for-profit NPOs sector,which can help in denial of space to PTM and its likes. CSOs and NGOs can play their role to fill the developmental gaps for benefit of people living in these under-served areas while limiting space for subversive organizations. The partnership between government and the non-government sector attains paramount importance in generating a response against subversion in the name of charity and welfare by groups like PTM. It is time for genuine and meaningful engagement with the local population to achieve something beyond cosmetic development measures. Remembering the Mao Zedong’s “fish and water analogy”, let the government and Army capitalize on the support of the civil society thus creating an inhospitable space for subversive elements to address such issuesin their entirety.

The writer is a versatile analyst and speaker on contemporary issues