One year on: Grading and Degrading of J&K

Author: Chanchal Manohar Singh

Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), a ruling political party in India, has decided to celebrate one year of abrogation of Article 370 because it believes that the move of scrapping special status has led to complete integration of Jammu and Kashmir with the Union of India.

These expressions are mostly disseminated from Nagpur, the third-largest city of Maharashtra, and headquarters of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), an Indian right-wing, Hindu organisation, which helped BJP sit in power. Sitting thousands of kilometres away from Kashmir, RSS lobbyists have this conviction that stripping Jammu and Kashmir of its special status and further downgrading it into two Union Territories has solidified the integration of India.

Yet, they are mistaken because India’s effort in Kashmir was never about territory. Rather, it was more about the assimilation of the local population. How BJP supporters and leaders are cherishing this feat and claiming that Jammu and Kashmir has finally integrated into Indian Union, makes them truly answerable to the nation and world forum. If J&K was integrated to India in 2019, what was 70 years of rule in Kashmir an “illegal occupation?”

Last year on August 5, the central government in India took a unilateral decision to strip the state of Jammu and Kashmir of autonomy after seven decades, characterising it as the correction of a “historical blunder.”

Article 370 allowed the state a certain amount of autonomy–its constitution, a separate flag and freedom to make laws. Foreign affairs, defence and communications remained the preserve of the central government. As a result, Jammu and Kashmir could make its rules relating to permanent residency, ownership of property and fundamental rights. It could also bar outsiders from purchasing property or settling there.

As a justification to the abrogation of Article 370, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his lobby of ministers argued that it needed to be scrapped to integrate Kashmir and put it on the same footing as the rest of India and claimed that it will boost economic development, fight corruption as well as ending caste and religious discrimination in the Valley.

Down the line after one year, nothing appears to have changed much on the ground as claimed by the government led by Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP). The BJP claimed that the assimilation of J&K into India was a long-cherished idea to make J&K look like any other Indian state of the nation. The uniformity did come but the states’ socio-economic health has deteriorated. J&K locals continue to live under the control of heavily armed security forces moving all-around day and night.

Instead of holding a special function in J&K to highlight the achievements of assimilation of the state, which had brought the people, the prime minister will participate in Bhoomi Pujan at Ayodhya on August 5; leaving the state to look after itself. This would take the media glare to focus on Ram Temples foundation stone ceremonies; forgetting the one-year developments in Union Territories of J&K and Ladakh.

A cursory look at the past one year shows that the number of violent incidents has increased manifolds, the people continued to live under curtailed rights. Economic activity remained minimal as the Rs 10,000 crore tourist season went blank. Even 4G, which is the life-line of today’s digital world, has been kept in abeyance under the garb of it being used by the separatist forces, who still appear to be as active as ever in Kashmir Valley. As was expected, no new investment has been made in the erstwhile state.

Scores of democratic political leaders continue to languish in jails or special notified jails like guest houses or in their residence with security forces standing at the entry not allowing anyone to come in or go out. People continue to live with the minimum basics to survive.

One year of lockdown has made their lives further hell following a serious attack of coronavirus in many parts of the Kashmir valley.

The J&K Administration blamed the special powers under Article 370, which had been impeding/hindering Jammu and Kashmir’s development and helping in the promotion of militancy and terrorism. The absence of major economic development in the J&K has led to increased unemployment and ameliorated poverty. Scores of petitions challenging the abrogation of Article 370 and 35-A are lingering in India’s top court with no hope of any decision coming out shortly.

The much-talked rehabilitation of Kashmiri pandits has not happened

If one looks at the investment from outside or the union government nothing has come so far. The much-talked rehabilitation of Kashmiri pandits has not happened. The people of J&K even this day feel as alienated as they were before 5th August 2019. The number of killings remained as usual and in some areas, it has escalated.

The release of 4G for high-speed internet has now been postponed further to August 19 after having assured the highest court of India that the J&K administration has no objection to start 4G service in the Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir.

Political leaders who have been exhibiting faith in the democratic system are still languishing in jails and are not free to move around. Even Mehbooba Mufti, former chief minister, who ruled the state for three years with the support of Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) is still under house arrest. Over scores of democratic leaders of various parties continue to be in jail or house arrest, their houses have been notified as sub-jails.

The J&K administration has made progress only in one area which is very close to the heart of BJP leaders, granting domicile status to thousands of non-J&K born residents. This move smacks of affecting the demographic profile of the UT of J&K leading to giving them the status of citizen and all rights invested in the domicile certification. Over 6000 domicile certificates were issued in one week in Jammu alone. Most of them were Gorkhas who have retired from the Indian Army.

Other than this the Valmiki community members who were brought from Punjab into the state in 1957 to provide sanitation services were also being granted domicile certificates.

Those who migrated from West Pakistan and women who married outside the J&K state are also covered under the set of domicile law and were also being granted the domicile certificate.

In another area where the work is expected to run fast is the delimitation of the constituencies in UT of J&K. Though there exists some confusion between the J&K Administration and the Election commission of India over affecting the delimitation work one thing is clear that election to J&K would be held after the reorganisation of the complete delimitation of the parliamentary as well as State assembly constituencies as it appears to be a considerable increase in the population of J&K especially Jammu region. Increase in the numbers of constituencies would affect the future politics of the J&K.

At present Kashmir region has more MLAs than the Jammu region, which gives an edge to Kashmiris in the formation of the Government in J&K. The J&K Congress has already expressed apprehension that BJP would manipulate the delimitation of constituencies to its advantage. Therefore, Congress has appointed a 10-member Committee to keep vigilance/watch on the delimitation exercise/work. According to Section 60 of the Jammu & Kashmir Reorganisation Act, the number of seats in the legislative assembly of Jammu and Kashmir shall be increased from 107 to 110. Out of these 24 seats are for Pakistan held Kashmir.

As far as political parties stand is concerned, with its president behind bars, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) passed a resolution in Jammu, the first since the Centre’s August 5, 2019 decision to revoke J&K’s special status, and “pledged to fight for the restoration of the special constitutional and legal status of the erstwhile State.”

Except for PDP, almost all other political parties appear to have accepted the new realities brought by changing J&K’s constitutional status. The former chief minister Omar Abdullah, Vice President of the National Conference (NC) said that the government has been unable to resolve the issues it claimed the moves would result in. In an interview to The Hindu, Omar Abdullah stated that events had left him cynical and bitter, but asserted he was not quitting politics.

The Apni Party is the new baby of the Centre and would play games as per his master’s choice and voice.

Those who are fighting for the “Azadi” of the J&K would continue their struggle. The J&K administration dubs them as “terrorists” while they presume themselves as fighters for Azadi. Those killed in various actions are anti-national in the eyes of the J & K Administration but freedom fighters or Shaheed for the separatist’s movement promoters. Many local youths have also joined the ranks of “Azadi” seekers. Thus, the allegation that militants come from across the border has been diminishing day by day.

The writer is a senior journalist and Indo-Pak peace activist

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