Really — we have an elected civil rule

Author: M Alam Brohi

We have apparently a democratic set up in the country with elected institutions that include the executive, opposition, National Assembly, Senate, four Legislatively Assemblies and representative administrations in the provinces. All this fits well in the loose definition of an elected political dispensation but fails to withstand the strict evaluation of democratic governance. The chaotic noises in the Assemblies and distrust in the public mandate reflects political waywardness and dishonesty. Our democracy is still passing through the formative years and needs to be looked at from this prism.

Democracy needs the awning of political parties with elected organizational hierarchies, comprehensible manifestos, well thought-out plans for redressing people’s problems. Parties do their homework through shadow cabinets and remain fully prepared to play their role as the executive or the opposition. The political parties in our dear land resemble cult crowds assembled round a dynasty. The leadership is hereditary rather than elected and remains life-long and is then transferred to the next kith. The Assemblies remain filled with the sons and daughters of old political dynasties and the privileged elite. The laws passed by these assemblies only serve their social, political and economic interests rendering the powerful more powerful and leaving the underprivileged to sink deeper in the economic inequality and social misery.

The people had high hopes attached to PTI with its rubric program of change. Regretfully, it is failing to live up to the expectations of its supporters. There are very few exceptions to this despairing situation. We are lucky to have some rare leaders who continue to represent the political era in which help came without strings; commitment to merit and fair play counted as an inviolable norm of life; integrity and honesty reigned supreme; politics was a means to public service; political office and public funds were a sacred trust. Barring them, almost all other political leaders have long ago drifted from this politics of ideals and are, in the present scenario, indistinguishable from each other in their hunger for power and acquisition of wealth.

The global strategic and economic importance of Balochistan needs no elaboration. The warm waters of the coastline of Balochistan have been coveted by the Imperial Tsars to the Soviet Union leaders and the US strategic planners

In this era of political selfishness, the voice of Akhtar Jan Mengal, leader of the Balochistan National Party (BNP), from amongst the present political crowd transcends ethnic, political and ideological affiliations and rekindles rays of hope in the powerless people across the provincial boundaries. His statements on the floor of the National Assembly highlighting the grievances of the small provinces against the federal authority have cut across the geographical divide and applauded by the people of Sindh and Balochistan. This shows how badly the masses of these provinces have felt the dearth of effective political representation in the federation.

Akhtar Jan has inherited his political uprightness and courage from his illustrious father, Sardar Attaullah Mengal who passed his entire life with an uncompromising commitment to his political ideals. Akhtar Jan took a principled political decision to cast his four votes in the National Assembly in favour of Imran Khan who represented the largest parliamentary group in the National Assembly with a right to form the federal government. He did not join the coalition cabinet saying that the people of Balochistan have mandated him to address their problems – and not to enjoy the perks and privileges of power.

With his four votes, Akhtar Jan stands out taller than the leaders of the larger parliamentary groups who, to the full public glare, have been shamelessly gearing up all their strength to save a few necks from the accountability noose forgetting the dancing dark shadows of hunger and death, social injustice and economic inequity in their constituencies. He has stood apart as the lone whistle blower to have the gaze of the federal authority focused on the miseries of the small provinces of Balochistan and Sindh. Whether or not he succeeds to have some of the burning problems of his province redressed is immaterial. He has at least withstood the irresistible temptation of power. This, in my evaluation, is more rewarding.

The global strategic and economic importance of Balochistan needs no elaboration. The warm waters of the coastline of Balochistan have been coveted by the Imperial Tsars to the Soviet Union leaders and the US strategic planners. The province is in the eye of storm in the context of the strategic significance of the CPEC and the key role Gwadar Seaport is going to play in the OBR Initiative. The insurgency which erupted in the wake of the violent death of Nawab Akbar Bugti has remained aglow over a decade and half. We see no end to this violence in the foreseeable future unless the Federal Government decides to take along the pro-Pakistan and popular politicians from Balochistan for a political solution. Wars and insurgencies have been finally settled by political negotiations. We can draw lessons from the political settlement of past insurgencies within the South Asian region or in its vicinity. If the US can talk to the Afghan Taliban, why we cannot sit across the table with our own brethren! We should not let this opportunity slip away. Akhtar Jan will prove an asset in this move.

The mainstream political parties should take a pause from their political machinations to undermine the PTI regime with the help of BNP. The BNP has more pressing issues at its hands than bringing down one regime and helping two irreconcilable political parties acquire power. They better think of making their contribution to the resolution of this security entangle in Balochistan and help redress the problems Balochistan faces. It is the collective responsibility of the executive, opposition and legislators to build the moment to address this festering problem. The security of the country should reign supreme in our concerns. It has become all the more imperative in the backdrop of the CPEC and the potential economic connectivity with Central Asian states.

Mr. Prime Minister, will you come forward to seize this opportunity or, as usual, let it slip away? The nation is eagerly watching how their elected civilian government asserts its authority to resolve this security entangle.

The author was a member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and he has authored two books

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