Daily Times

What is it in the South Asian DNA that so unfailingly elicits cynicism? Being a transit route for over millennia, for hordes of conquering tribes that swooped down from the heights and expanses of Central Asia and Middle East, the sub-continental temperament has been forged into an acquiescent mode ever ready to absorb and assimilate the flavours and moods of the dominant zeitgeist. Why is it then we as a nation forged in the smithy of a Muslim nationalism have failed consistently to adopt the dominant global weltanschauung of hardwork, rationality, fairness, and equity? Why despite being in the forefront of moral proselytization to the world at large, we have failed to internalize the virtues of temperance, discipline, frugality, cleanliness, and sacrifice?

The answer to all of the above may perhaps lie in a disconnect between the practice and precept, by a society that refuses to live by a common credo, paying lip service to religion, nationalism, and civic sense due to a preference for proximate identities. The notion of proximate identities in preference over the national and religious identities as per Avril Thorne is an “autobiographical experience” wherein identities are constructed with reference to one’s past, presence, and imagined future. Such a notion of identity construction privileges personal experience and proximate identities. One’s family and tribe come to define one’s identity owing to a shared and lived experience, becoming the top most preference for an individual.

The above social acculturation promotes cultural preferences wherein the tribe trumps the nation. The classic exemplar of above is the pristine purity of the FATA’s Pakhtun tribes’ tribal code Pakhtunwali. The tribal culture pulsates in the live throbbing heart of the FATA boondocks where the citadel like mini mud castles are designed to thwart the assaults of neighbour, the relatives, own tribe, and the rival tribe in that order. No chance is taken in offering a weakness which might invite aggression. The credo is myself against my brother, my brother and myself against my relative, my relatives and myself against my tribe, and finally myself and my tribe against an alien tribe. Centuries of attacks from north have promoted a cultural xenophobia exalting tribe to such a high social pedestal that several waves of social and political transformation have failed to dislodge.

As opposed to a totalitarian state that can impose its will upon a population through its coercive power a democratic state has to co-opt through its soft power. Soft power has to be adequate and effective to be of real value

The sub-continental experience tells us that social transformation predates political transformation. The tribes of yester years survive in their primitive form in FATA, Balochistan, and Sind and in a semi transformed form in parts of Punjab. Where their essence survives completely however, is in their different incarnations like trade cliques, bureaucracy, and clergy. Our social habits, cultural preferences, and political preferences therefore remain in the stranglehold of tribal social mores. This phenomenon is exhibited in ethnic particularism, provincial parochialism, religious exclusivism, educational apartheid, and wealth based social stratification. The question that emerges from above discourse is also a comment on our current political direction. Can political reengineering in pursuit of lofty national goals be done before a social reengineering?

The answer to above question is a no, considering our historical record and socio-cultural preferences. It is the tribal impulse that still goads us into action as opposed to a national sentiment. The proximate identities like business & industrial cliques, armed forces’ esprit d’ corps, political dynasties, landed gentry, sectarian ties, and ethnic affiliations trump national identities. It is because of above reason thatwe witness the tribal recidivism and atavistic reversion to instinctive behaviour even by the well-educated segment of the population. Cleanliness being half of our religious faith is paid lip service while our collective civic sense displays the same disorderly traits as our primitive ancestors. It is apparent therefore that what Ibn-e-Khaldun called “Assabiya” or the group solidarity in tribes and ethnicities, defines our collective identity.

It is for above reason that the prognosis for a political reengineering to graft the true sapling of democracy in the barren land of tribal despotism is not so encouraging. Our history of authoritarian interventions attests to above problem. The present government with a tenuous majority in Parliament and lack of political cadre strength is relying too much on popular appeal of the leadership and the state institutions. Out of state institutions only army is in unstinted support of the new government. The bureaucracy is still behaving as a fearful tribe protecting its turf in a non- cooperative mode. The popular refrain nowadays is that the bureaucracy being fearful of NAB inquiries has hunkered down refusing to work. This however is only the partial truth. The other reason is the tribal protection of its erstwhile perks and ill- gotten privileges that were lavished upon it by its partners in crime ex governments. A culture of corruption was spawned and sanctified as a just recompense for the services rendered by a compliant bureaucracy by all previous governments.

Now the present government in its noble quest of eradicating corruption and promoting fairplay and justice is up against the non-cooperative tribes of bureaucracy and rival political parties, demanding their pound of flesh in a game of political spoils as hitherto fore. Can PTI survive where others failed when neither the government machinery nor the political rivals cooperate? It can, provided it jettisons some of its political agitation baggage, and embraces inclusive polity. Co-opting of political rivals without political bribes and handouts is a real test of the political savvy of the new government. The reliance on army as a national security instrument for addressing internal and external security challenges is a good strategy but the same cannot be said about army’s support on political front which besides politicizing the armed forces would undercut their popularity in the masses.

The correct strategy to co-opt the state institutions like bureaucracy and police would be to institute meaningful reforms to restructure these institutions for service delivery and public accountability. The pay and service perks should be commensurate with the work load and sufficient so as not to induce a propensity for unfair means. Service protection rules and freedom from political pressure should be ensured by restoring the pre Ayub era service security clauses in the civil servants act. The civil service structure should be moved towards greater specialization with merit based lateral induction of specialists. New occupational groups like Defence Planning, Engineering & Project Management, Health Services, Urban Infrastructure Planning and Economic Planning should be added to the existing ones. The length of service tenures should be kept as per the prevalent age and health indices while discouraging the culture of extensions.

The present political experiment will come a cropper sans sincere cooption of all state institutions and the mainstream political parties. The social response to the “Naya Pakistan” would wither on the vine if the tribal angularities are not smoothened. As opposed to a totalitarian state that can impose its will upon a population through its coercive power a democratic state has to co-opt through its soft power. Soft power has to be adequate and effective to be of real value. And lastly the universal truth that it takes two to tango, needs to be factored in any national development approach, without which in the master bard’s words “all of their lives voyage is bound in shallows and miseries.”

The author is a PhD scholar at NUST; e mail rwjanj@hotmail.com