Daily Times

We expect that the efforts to end the conflict in Afghanistan will dominate Prime Minister Imran Khan’s meeting with President Donald Trump in Washington next week. While Afghanistan matters, unrealistic expectations, and the lingering trust deficit are issues of greater long-term importance. If left unaddressed, they will continue to hamper the bilateral relationship and imperil future cooperation. Based on facts hard to ignore, this won’t be an easy task, hence the low prospects from the Khan and Trump meeting.

Khan and Trump have things in common. They are both driven individuals, often accused of exhibiting erratic behaviour, and have cultivated an image of being straight shooters. They have an authoritarian streak reflected in their intolerance of opposition. Besides his narrow political base, Khan governs with the support of the country’s powerful generals while Trump enjoys the backing of an influential base of Republicans and Independent voters. We expect that neither will leave the big stage soon unless they implode from under the weight of their egos. So the meeting is a good opportunity to develop a working relationship. A word of caution for Khan; don’t ask Trump for handouts!

Unrealistic expectations have dogged Pakistan-US relations since another Khan; PM Liaquat Ali made the first official visit by a Pakistani leader to the US in 1950 to meet President Harry Truman. Then, the US bent on Communist containment, bolstered Pakistan with economic and military aid. To the US’s frustration, Pakistan used military aid against arch-enemy India instead. Since then, the relationship cycle has been dysfunctional, either Pakistan as a favoured ally or on a collision course with the US.

For its part, Pakistan sees the growing US-India strategic partnership as a threat to its national security and a sign of US duplicity. Insecure Pakistanis fear too that once its involvement in Afghanistan ends, the US will lose interest in Pakistan. Few expect that the American largesse showered on Pakistan in the past will restart, but the risk of losing the US to turn to in times of need is unpalatable, particularly for the Pakistani ruling elite.

A point to remember is that it is the venal Pakistani elite that has benefited most from US economic and military aid. And its pernicious influence has resulted in a medium-size country having pretensions well beyond its capacity.

From the US perspective, it has little time for Pakistan’s pet peeves like the Kashmir dispute and the US tilt towards India. The US wants to see an extremist-free Pakistan, able to stand on its own feet, and in control of its nuclear weapons. The negative fallout from the murky Bin laden episode still lingers, adding to the mistrust that Americans have for Pakistan. But the US has probably concluded that a working relationship with Pakistan can help in managing the challenges that both countries face in Afghanistan and the region.

The people-to-people relationship lagged far behind the military-to-military ties between Pakistan and the US. The military ties became the cornerstone of the bilateral relationship. The US military brass sees the strong Pakistani military as a stabilising factor, in a volatile part of the world. It continues to support Pakistan as a key defence partner based on shared interests. In the US’s calculus, the military relationship could come in to play once again, in case war with Iran destabilises West Asia.

A convergence of interests is possible if Khan and Trump go beyond mutual suspicions and recriminations. Polarising issues shouldn’t be allowed to dictate ties. As a start, Khan can commit to Trump that Pakistan is a firm ally in the war on terrorism

Despite the trust deficit, an important reason why the Khan and Trump meeting is even taking place is that the US thinks that Pakistan has recognised, belatedly, that its tryst with extremism has been hugely counterproductive. This acknowledgment has led to some action against individuals like Hafiz Saeed and Masood Azhar and groups such as Jaish-e-Mohammed and Lashkar-e-Taiba. Whether these actions are sufficient remains to be seen.

A convergence of interests is possible if Khan and Trump go beyond mutual suspicions and recriminations. Polarising issues shouldn’t be allowed to dictate ties. As a start, Khan can commit to Trump that Pakistan is a firm ally in the war on terrorism; it has abandoned the use of violent non-state actors to harm neighbouring countries and will do its utmost to curb terror financing and nuclear proliferation.

Trump could acknowledge Pakistan’s key role in bringing the Afghan Taliban to the negotiating table. The US can give up pointing a finger at Pakistan for its own lack of success in bringing peace to Afghanistan. Trump could allay Pakistan’s concerns by stating that the growing US strategic partnership is not directed at Pakistan. This won’t change the fact that India will remain the US’s preferred global partner.

Finally, the US-Pakistan relationship can’t just be about counter-terrorism or military links. The US should continue its efforts to strengthen Pakistan’s democracy and civil society. Both sides can strengthen the relationship by showing sensitivity to each other’s concerns. They must also recognise that agreement on every issue isn’t possible. The negative tone of the relationship can change with realistic expectations and mutual trust.

The writer is a freelance contributor