Daily Times

The recent elections in Pakistan — in which the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and it’s MMA alliance had a very poor showing — have made as clear as day that the homogeneous culture advocated by this politico-religious organisation and vigilante groups affiliated with it lacks mass appeal in South Asia. Although JI hasn’t enjoyed electoral success in either India, Pakistan, or Bangladesh, the politico-religious organisation hasn’t lagged behind in forging tacit alliances to bring them closer to mainstream power. In order to jog the memories of the readers, I underscore that in South Asia, historically, the JI has always been pro-establishment.

Let’s have a look at how the organization has performed in Jammu and Kashmir (JK). Subsequent to the large-scale arrests of leaders and members of the Front, elections were held in JK in 1971-72 in which the Congress orchestrated a landslide victory for itself, managing to acquire five out of six parliamentary seats and 56 out of 73 Assembly seats. That year the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) gained visibility in the politically disputed state by garnering enough support to win two seats in Jammu.

In another unforeseen and interesting development, the JI — which had insistently disavowed Kashmir’s accession to India, and is currently a vocal opponent of elections held in JK within the framework of the Constitution of India — in a tacit understanding with the Congress regime, managed to get five representatives accommodated in the Legislative Assembly.

The 1977 JK elections were a landmark event, with the Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah-led National Conference eradicating Congress presence in the Valley and capturing an indisputable majority in the Legislative Assembly, 47 seats out of 75. The strength of the Congress was reduced to a mere 11 seats, greatly diminishing its hitherto fabricated larger-than-life presence. The political ideology of the JI was unable to importune the electorate and secured only one seat.

Politico-religious organisations like JI and vigilante organisations affiliated with them advocate the creation of a homogeneous culture devoid of the freedoms that South Asian Muslim women have traditionally enjoyed

The fairness of the 1977 election has been highlighted by many political analysts: it offset the preposterous elections held in JK between 1951 and 1972. Democratic elections, the installation of a representative government and the forging of a political space that accommodated multiple ideologies contributed to the creation of a non-repressive, relatively stable political atmosphere.

During the 1987 elections, the National Conference (NC) was opposed by an unwieldy coalition of non-mainstream, anti-establishment groups, calling itself the Muslim United Front (MUF). It was a conglomerate that lacked structure and a unifying political ideology. However, as the newsmagazine India Today (March 31, 1987) observed during the campaign, the emergence of the MUF indicated “the Valley is sharply divided between the party machine that brings out the traditional vote for the NC, and hundreds of thousands who have entered politics as participants for the first time under the umbrella provided by the MUF.” As I mentioned above, the MUF comprised several political organisations. Its main component was the JI, chaired by Syed Ali Shah Geelani. Despite having participated in the 1972, 1977 and 1983 elections, and as part of the MUF conglomerate in the 1987 elections, JI had been unable to make a mark on the political matrix of JK. It had, however, succeeded in making an impact in Madaris, which Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah had attempted to quell by shutting them down during his tenure as head of government.

Then there is how the JI’s politics impact women. A couple of years ago, I reviewed Amina Jamal’s book Jamaat-e-Islami Women in Pakistan: Vanguard of a New Modernity for Book Review Amina Jamal’s book is a much needed and scholarly look at the constructions as well as circumscriptions of “the Islamist project for women in contemporary Pakistan” (284).

After painstakingly delving into attempted reconstructions of gender identities by JI, Amina Jamal observes that, “We may contend that the defeat of Islamic parties in provincial and national elections, as in February 2008, marks a frustration of ordinary Pakistanis, if not with the religious impulse of Islamist movements then certainly against their hegemonic impulse” (289). I would substantiate that contention by bringing in a pertinent point about conservative gender politics. Dan Smith (2001) Director of the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo, observes that, “people who make essentialist generalizations about women’s roles are usually unable not just to explain but even to acknowledge the diversity of women’s experiences and abilities” (38). The espousal of essentialist politics does not allow for change that would enable “peaceful conflict resolution, reconciliation between traditional enemies, justice between different races and gender equality” (46).

I would argue that politico-religious organisations like JI and vigilante organisations affiliated with them advocate the creation of a homogeneous culture devoid of the freedoms that South Asian Muslim women have traditionally enjoyed. Their draconian methods include enforcing the purdah, even in Kashmir; reinforcing a patriarchal structure in which an unaccompanied woman is rendered vulnerable; and curtailing the mobility of technology-savvy youth in an attempt to Arabise the syncretic ethos of South Asia.

We require constructive critiques of the JI’s inability to practice the politics of accommodation and negotiation. It is important for such organisations to pave the way for clear nation-building programs, which would involve reviving civil society, resuscitating the shattered economy, providing sources of income, and building social and political structures.

The writer is the author of Fiction of Nationality in an Era of Transnationalism, Islam, Women, and Violence in Kashmir, The Life of a Kashmiri Woman, and the editor of The Parchment of Kashmir. Nyla Ali Khan has also served as guest editor working on articles from the Jammu and Kashmir region for Oxford University Press (New York), helping to identify, commission, and review articles. She can be reached at nylakhan@aol.com

Published in Daily Times, August 2^nd 2018.