Daily Times

In the chequered history of Pakistan, the court’s verdict upon the (in) famous Asghar Khan Case was a watershed. One can hardly cast a doubt about the intrinsic nature of a state where all organs are in state of flux, competing not for mere hegemony, but for outright domination as well.

In the political sphere, the meddlesome approach of the Pakistan army during the electoral process, and later in the formation of the government, is an existential reality. In a few days’ time, the nation is heading to yet other poll, and the transparency of the process is already in question. Yet again, the proverbial smoke and fire are not mere signs but seemingly palpable realities; in response, each offered defence is adding to the widespread haze of ambiguity.

“We do not have a direct role in polls” thus spoke, Caesar. “It is not when the truth is dirty but when it is shallow that the lover of knowledge is reluctant to step into its waters” (Nietzsche). The claim neither negates their participation in the process of polls through indirect means, nor absolves them of their instinctual habit of self- preservation that invariably befalls at the cost of people. Nevertheless, no one has the courage to pose such stingy questions, not one who keeps some premium on his life. “Physician, heal thyself” but not many physicians will take the advice offered by Nietzsche and none among the self -proclaimed guardians at all.

Is it fair for armies to participate in politics? In a capitalist world, the question remains both pertinent and relevant. In reality, the armies are the forces of status-quo that function to maintain the control of a specific class over the majority. Nothing can be a better and prolific example than the NATO, which ensures the movement of capital and the resources across the world to the developed countries, while restricting the flow of labour.

Due to the innate anarchy of capitalism, the interest of a group of capitalists stakes its claim over the others of its own class.

The simmering cauldron of the tariff war between the US and the rest of the world that is threatening to conflagrate is one example of this phenomenon that is beneficial to a handful of capitalists, no matter the cost incurred, but is consequent upon the isolation of the US. During the Syrian conflict, when the moment for a ground invasion approached, the assumption was rife that a reluctant Pentagon forced Obama to relent from using his discretionary powers of sending their troops in to the inferno. The apolitical became political.

The process in Pakistan is however different. Unlike Western democracies, no matter how Orwellian they are, the armies, regardless of their might, are bound to play their role as second fiddle to the state. They defend the state hence the bourgeoisie. In Pakistan, the army happens to be the only established capitalist class, which finds itself in direct conflict with the emerging civil bourgeoisie vying for its own interests.

The inner confrontation for the plunder of resources has become palpably severe and open, which has led to the cleavage in the hierarchy of our biggest province. For a long time the interests of the capitalists of Punjab remained aligned with the deep state and for the first time in the history of the country, the grievous fissures have vividly surfaced.

In Pakistan, the army happens to be the only established capitalist class, which finds itself in direct conflict with the emerging civil bourgeoisie vying for its own interests

The Punjabi civil bourgeoisie finds itself equally polarised and divided. The biggest one is supporting the out of favour former premier, a symbolic icon of an established civilian capitalist class.

Only a small portion of the big bourgeoisie and a large urban petty bourgeoisie are the mainstay of another charismatic man of destiny, who is alleged to be backed by the praetorian guards. Keeping the tradition of capital alive, both are least reluctant in playing the religious card.

The regressive law of blasphemy is widely and wildly wielded, not only against the progressive forces but also against the dominant class itself and ironically, it is projected as a symbol of resistance against the western cultural onslaught, a form of distorted resistance against western imperialism.

The only secular party having a feudal base has become historically redundant hence confined to a single province.

Once a social democratic party lost its flavour immediately after assuming the power after the fall of the eastern wing of the country, and made no qualms in giving up its socialist hue for retaining the status quo. However, it could not attract the Punjabi bourgeoisie, which remains suspicious of its farce nationalisation; the act former continues to regret even now.

The multi-faceted religious parties and their alliances are the marriages of convenience. Their individual faiths are poles apart from each other. Justice Munir’s report for 1954 exposes their religious shenanigans and the hypocritical nature of their unity. Their union cannot be realised without a force more coercive than their own ideology, since most of them are the ardent supporters of Taliban, if not in league with them. Some other known religious figures who lent their services in the so-called Afghan Jihad, and even have bounties on their heads, are also participating in the polls, directly or indirectly.

One wonders how those who assail and lynch innocent people and are being pursued by law enforcement authorities around the world have been allowed to participate in the elections, using their messages of hate to their advantage.

The identity of the people behind this Macbethi an tragedy is no secret, and the public knows it too. One can only hope that, like a catatonic patient coming back to life, they have the strength to wake up and take a stand against these forces very soon.

The corrupt civilian leadership is hopeless and helpless; those dressed in Khaki are the ones calling the shots. They deny their active participation in polls, but then they deny every charge, including that of turning non-conformists into cadavers. Yet everyone is familiar with the number of cantonments in Balochistan where people disappear in to thin air, or are massacred in an explosion by the Taliban or similar organisations.

In bygone days, there was another poll in which a man with few genuine demands received a massive mandate, but it was not enough and he was found guilty of treason. Those who gave their mandate had to pay the price with their blood, but they refused to pay the penance, and the rest is history.

Akin to the two-fold character of labour, the tragedy has a double-edge character too. One is that in most cases, the trauma is forgotten, while in others, despite suffering the shame and guilt, the perpetrator refuses to recognise their mistakes, condemning themselves to repeat these mistakes once again. The stage is now set and all that remains to be seen is who will win the grand finale; Cesar, Brutus or the plebeians? History is watching, and another tragedy is waiting in the wings to strike again.

The writer has authored books on socialism and history. He blogs at saulatnagi.wordpress.com and can be reached atsaulatnagi@hotmail.com

Published in Daily Times, July 25^th 2018.