Daily Times

As Pakistan parades its so-called gender rights credentials before an international audience, its actual track record is a dark embarrassment. Beneath a veneer of “progressive” laws lies an ugly reality: neither women – the “second gender” – nor the third gender enjoy meaningful rights. The façade of inclusion is carefully crafted to appeal to foreign donors and international organizations, yet it’s far removed from the harsh experiences of those fighting simply to exist with dignity.

Pakistan’s legal recognition of the third gender in 2009 was touted as a landmark moment, but the truth is that this recognition is practically worthless. The third-gender community – approximately half a million strong – is largely confined to begging on the streets or performing at functions, condemned to lives of poverty, ridicule, and harassment. Job prospects remain almost nonexistent, as Pakistan lacks any enforcement mechanisms for third-gender inclusion in meaningful employment. For those who do manage to gain employment, reports of discrimination are alarmingly high; in a 2021 Pakistan Transgender Alliance survey, over 80 percent reported workplace harassment, yet legal recourse remains elusive. No other nation that boasts “third-gender recognition” leaves its people so abandoned by the state. While countries like India and Germany have allocated social programs, employment protections, and healthcare benefits for the third-gender community, Pakistan remains a black hole for rights.

Pakistan’s legal recognition of the third gender in 2009 was touted as a landmark moment, but the truth is that this recognition is practically worthless.

The country’s failure to protect its third-gender population reflects a broader failure to respect and protect human rights as a whole. Rights groups have criticized Pakistan for years, and yet, little change has followed. International human rights organizations are clear: legal recognition without access to basic human rights is an empty gesture that allows Pakistan’s leaders to claim progressive policies that, in reality, do nothing for the people they are meant to serve. In stark contrast, India has not only provided official recognition but has made considerable strides toward integrating the third gender into society through employment quotas and anti-discrimination laws. The progress is slow, but it’s visible. Germany, meanwhile, is decades ahead, offering legal and social protections and recognizing the third gender’s place in public life. Germany’s initiatives highlight Pakistan’s shortcomings and demonstrate what real progress looks like.

For Pakistani women, the situation isn’t much better. Recent statistics from the World Economic Forum place Pakistan 145th out of 146 nations in gender equality, with gender parity unlikely to be achieved within this century. Despite progress in education, with a literacy rate for women now at 46 percent, economic empowerment remains a fantasy for most. Only 22 percent of women are part of the formal workforce, compared to over 60 percent in countries like Bangladesh. Pakistani women are routinely shut out of professional spaces, denied promotions, and often told outright that “certain roles are not for women.” For women in rural areas, it’s even worse: 63 percent live with minimal access to healthcare, basic education, and financial independence. Even when they attempt to start businesses or secure jobs, societal prejudices and restrictions are a constant hindrance. Meanwhile, the tokenism in Pakistani politics is insulting; women occupy 20 percent of parliamentary seats, a number that might look decent on paper but in reality, serves only to placate critics.

The public and private spheres continue to collude to ensure that women remain in a position of subjugation. In many parts of the country, women are still unable to vote or make decisions about their health and finances, often requiring a male guardian’s permission for something as basic as opening a bank account or choosing medical care. This is not only a human rights issue but a significant barrier to the country’s economic growth. Studies from the World Bank suggest that if women’s participation in Pakistan’s labour force were raised to even 40 percent, the country’s GDP would see an estimated 30 percent growth. The refusal to harness women’s potential is not merely discriminatory; it’s economically suicidal.

And then there’s the economic cost of this absurd inequality. According to studies by the McKinsey Global Institute, if Pakistan empowered its women and provided real opportunities to its third-gender community, the GDP could swell by $58 billion. But the country’s leaders, drunk on patriarchy, are unwilling to act. Instead, they seem content to watch Pakistan sink further down the list of global gender rankings. They don’t see that without genuine gender inclusivity, Pakistan’s economy will remain stagnant, poverty will continue to rise, and social tensions will worsen. Countries like Iceland, which actively promotes gender equality, enjoy a GDP per capita over ten times that of Pakistan, with lower poverty rates, higher education standards, and overall social stability. If Iceland’s achievements are any measure, the benefits of gender equality are obvious – except, it seems, to Pakistan’s ruling class.

Internationally, Pakistan’s gender policies are seen as half-baked attempts to appease foreign powers. Pakistan signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1996, but its compliance is a joke. The rights of both women and the third gender remain so flagrantly ignored that even the United Nations has called Pakistan’s gender rights record “abysmal.” Yet Pakistan’s politicians are only too happy to pander to the international community, securing millions in funds for gender development programs that rarely benefit the people they’re intended for. Just in the past five years, Pakistan has received over $2 billion in international aid for gender and social development. Where does this money go? Not to the people as rural women continue to die from preventable diseases, and the third gender lives in abject poverty.

The international community should pay attention here, not just to criticize but to hold Pakistan accountable. For decades, Pakistan has signed on to global conventions, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), promising to uplift both women and the third gender. But where’s the follow-through? Year after year, international funds flow into Pakistan under the guise of “development” and “social inclusion,” yet the reality on the ground tells a different story. The money is there, but the political will is conspicuously absent. Pakistan’s promises to international bodies ring hollow when they lead to little more than “awareness campaigns” without concrete, lasting impact.

What’s even more controversial is the societal attitude that underpins these issues. Recent surveys show that over 60 percent of Pakistanis believe men should be prioritized for jobs, and attitudes towards the third gender are even more damning. It’s not just institutional barriers at play here; it’s an entire social structure that deems women and the third gender as “lesser,” perpetuating cycles of oppression. And who pays the price? The millions of women and third-gender individuals who struggle to access basic human rights in their own country. While neighbouring nations like Bangladesh and India grapple with gender equality issues, they still outpace Pakistan in policy and practice. Bangladesh has implemented significant policy changes to reduce gender-based violence, and India’s progressive legal steps have paved the way for third-gender representation in politics and public service. Pakistan, meanwhile, remains mired in rhetoric with little tangible action.

If we take a broader look at the economic impact, the picture becomes even grimmer. Studies by the McKinsey Global Institute suggest that empowering women in Pakistan could add up to $58 billion to the GDP. Imagine what similar inclusion for the third gender could achieve. By relegating half its population and its third-gender community to the sidelines, Pakistan is effectively stalling its economic growth. But perhaps economic incentives alone aren’t enough to drive change. Cultural bias runs deep, and unless Pakistanis confront the patriarchal, exclusionary roots of their society, no law, however well-intentioned, will alter the reality on the ground.

To the international community, Pakistan’s stance on gender rights should serve as a warning and a call to action. It’s time to demand more than promises on paper. It’s time to require actionable steps, complete with measurable progress and accountability. The question is not whether Pakistan can afford to include women and the third gender; the question is; can it afford not to? The costs of exclusion – from diminished GDP to social instability – are too high to ignore.

Pakistan’s gender crisis cannot be fixed by superficial laws or hollow recognition. True change requires a societal shift, a government unafraid to enforce policies that challenge the status quo, and a community willing to dismantle deep-seated prejudices. Women and the third gender are not asking for charity; they’re demanding a place that is rightfully theirs. And the international stakeholders watching from afar need to understand: in Pakistan’s game of smoke and mirrors, it’s time to break the glass.

The writer is a journalist, TV presenter & column writer. She can be reached via her insta account @farihaspeaks