Daily Times

We have apparently a democracy in the country with elected institutions that include the executive, opposition, National Assembly, Senate, four Legislative Assemblies and representative administrations in the provinces. All fit well in the loose definition of an elected political dispensation but fail to withstand strict evaluation of democracy. Our democracy is still passing through the fragile formative phase and needs to be saved from the vagaries of institutional competition and misuse of legislative assemblies.

In a democracy, there is a well-entrenched culture of the rule of law, equality before the law, human rights, mutual tolerance, respect for the right of the executive to rule, the privilege of the opposition to criticize and highlight missteps of the government, right of expression, and freedom of the press. Democracy needs the umbrella of political parties with elected organizational hierarchies and comprehensible manifestos. Parties do their homework through shadow cabinets and remain fully prepared to play both roles – executive and opposition as mandated by the electorate. This culture is missing in our dear land.

The political parties in the country resemble cult crowds assembled around a dynasty. The leadership is hereditary and life-long rather than elected and tenured. It is transferred automatically to the next generation. This cyclical turn has gone into the third generation in some mainstream political parties. Their connection with the people remains confined to the election seasons or moments of crises for the leadership. They fall into spells of indifference to public problems and aspirations as soon as voted into power.

The political parties in the country resemble cult crowds assembled around a dynasty.

Their priorities change overnight. Their gaze swings from election pledges to self-service, from workers to the influential electoral demigods of their constituencies, from public service to perks and privileges of power and the tempting glitter of wealth. They shrink behind thick walls of protocol, security leaving the poor segments of the population to carry on with the hardships of life bearing the brunt, as put by historian Robert Darton, of bigotry, bullying, mendacity and vulgarity of the state’s coercive organs.

The Assemblies at both federal and provincial levels remain filled with the sons and daughters of old political dynasties representing feudal lords, the wealthy class and the privileged elite. There have been only marginal changes in political lineage for the past 70 years. Therefore, the laws passed by these Assemblies only serve the social, political and economic interests of this ruling class with the despicable result that the powerful get more powerful and the underprivileged more helpless, decrying the chronic lack of social and economic security, healthcare, education, safe drinking water, affordable public transport and stable prices of commodities.

There are very few exceptions to this situation. We are lucky to have some leaders who continue representing the political era in which integrity and honesty used to come first, and politics was a means to public service. Those leaders at least believed true leaders of a modern and civilized society should possess qualities of faith, wisdom, action, character, courage, sincerity, trustworthiness and integrity. In a dearth of leadership like this, a sane and sympathetic voice from the crowd of selfish political leaders reflecting people’s aspirations transcends all bounds of ethnic, political and ideological affiliations and rekindles rays of hope in the abandoned class of citizenry across the provincial borders.

The statements of veteran leader Akhtar Jan Mengal, President of the Balochistan National Movement on the floor of the previous and current National Assembly highlighting the grievances of the small provinces against the federal authority cut across the political divide and received applause from the abandoned segments of the population of Sindh and his own Baloch people. Previously, he refused to join the Cabinet in the PTI regime saying he was elected by the people of Balochistan to address their problems and not enjoying perks of power. Though remained true to his word, he could not dent the imperviousness of the powerful quarters to realize the intensity of the Baloch grievances.

Akhtar Jan has inherited his political uprightness and courage from his illustrious father, Sardar Attaullah Mengal who passed his entire life with an uncompromising commitment to his political principles and ideals. In his lifetime, he transferred his political mantle to his son. Akhtar Jan took a principled political decision to cast his four votes in the National Assembly in favour of Imran Khan representing the largest parliamentary group in the National Assembly under a six-point agreement to address the Baloch grievances.

The general elections of 8 February this year proved disappointing for true leaders like Akhtar Jan. The powerful quarters continue to look at the Balochistan issue as a security rather than a political one compelling the BNP leader to resign from his National Assembly seat saying his voice about the Baloch grievances is falling on deaf ears. The political and security dynamics in Balochistan have drastically changed leaving the pro-Pakistan leadership in a quandary.

The global strategic and economic importance of Balochistan needs no elaboration. The warm waters of Balochistan have been coveted by the Imperial Tsars to the Soviet Union leaders and the US strategic planners. The British India fought the Great Game to stem the thrust of the Tsarist forces to warm waters of the Arabian Sea.

The US strategic planners suggested long ago that Pakistan’s geographical position could be changed to the advantage of the US, making Gwadar a kind of ‘entrepot for the Rapid Deployment Force moving into the Persian Gulf from Diego Garcia or the Philippines’. Balochistan has further acquired importance in the context of CPEC drawing the renewed attention of the strategically competing powers.

Insurgencies and civil wars have been finally settled by political negotiations. We can draw lessons from the political settlement of past insurgencies within and in the vicinity of the South Asian region. The mainstream political parties should pause the noisy quarrels with each other, and better think of making their contribution to the resolution of the Balochistan issue. This has become all the more imperative in the context of CPEC and the fast-changing strategic and economic alignments in the greater Asian region.

The author was a member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and he has authored two books.