Daily Times

Pakistan’s history subsumes many critical junctures that shaped the future events and right after independence, the first critical juncture took place: the death of the supreme leader, Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1948). That juncture created a ‘decent leadership’ crisis since many leaders – pseudo or otherwise – had a say that eventually concluded in futile policymaking, ephemeral projects and a blurred way forward vision. As historical thesaurus suggests, the Pakistani political landscape remained a political musical chair with numerous individuals being hired and fired on supreme executive positions – president ships, PMships and governor generals. Another consequence was the delay in crafting an egalitarian Constitution containing everyone’s rights regardless of gender, race, creed, ethnicity, religion and originality. That constitutional crisis in the initial years and fluctuations in leadership pushed Pakistan further into a political quagmire.

Solely in 1956 came Pakistan’s Constitution and Pakistan had one positive development: the purchase of Gwadar on 8 Sept, 1958, courtesy of Feroze Khan Noon. Referring to the people of Gwadar, Noon said: – not putting the exact words though – “you’re all free to breathe in the land of pure”. And ironically, just after 29 days, Pakistan suffered its first coup: another critical juncture. The criticality of that juncture was vicious, cruel, horrifying and lengthy. Pakistan got a new Constitution with one word shorter in its name than the previous: Republic of Pakistan. Though an election, solely of name, took place sans a considerable political participation, Gen Ayub ruled Pakistan by hook or by crook till 1969 and ironically, this period, afforded by American dollars is referred to as the “decade of development”. With Gen Yahya Khan assuming power, Pakistan had a critical juncture for the third time and a heavier one: the fall of Dhaka.

The criticality of that juncture was vicious, cruel, horrifying and lengthy.

Pakistan lost its east wing owing to the preposterous denial of Awami League mandate, the unacceptance of some basic demands – some were unacceptable in reality, like separate currency – and a lack of political reconciliation. The points demanded by the Awami League leader were amended through the 18th amendment in the Constitution in 2010. Pakistan’s west political leaders ideological divides along with military meddling lost Pakistan the special status of governing two pervasively present bodies. The fall of Dhaka can be summed up in three words: Insurgence, civil war and separation.

That done, Pakistan crafted another Constitution with a single body country adding the previously omitted word – Islamic – in the name of the country. Instability becoming the sobriquet of Pakistan, leadership crisis turning hallmark, and ‘dictatorial democracy’ catalysing as the pseudonym. In these circumstances, Weimar’s republic collapsed, so did Pakistan. The instability started taking its root in the aftermaths of extractive political and economic institutions, the elite’s incessant rest on the realm, the subsequent military coups – two times after the Fall of Dhaka – coercion, and intervention influenced judicial proceedings.

Pakistan paid a heavy price for involving herself in other’s wars: USSR invasion in Afghanistan and the US led ‘war on terror.’ Due to the absence of non-interventionism and isolationism in the country’s foreign policy, Pakistan jumped into the bandwagon sans considering the consequences. Pakistan prioritised being a facilitator rather than minding its own business.

Fast forward to the politics of 21st in Pakistan. And again, new era, old ideologies, policies and practices. Isn’t it ironic that never a prime executive of Pakistan completed his term. With youth in obsolete state, penury pervasively haunting millions, and gender parity at 0.575 and reversing, myopically created non-punitive policies implies instead of evolving and working for the betterment of society, Pakistan devolved.

The reasons making Pakistan count as a third world country, or even fourth are; first and foremost, instability, in all spheres; political, economic, social and security, followed by the absence of visionary leaders like Lee Kuan Yew. If a leader parallel to Singaporean is not found, stability still has the power to transcend the bulwarks of short term shortcomings. Pakistan’s path towards prosperity lies in making robust and visionary policies, prevailing merit in all portfolios, and allocating positions to deserving ones.

With instability intended to stay here, Pakistan needs to switch from political rivalry to political reconciliation, from traditionally adopted apparatus to technologically driven mechanism, from agrarian output to industrial production, and from extremist and manipulation ruling tendencies to liberal elements enshrined in the Constitution. Indigenous sanguines do not demand European standard living, American rule of law, Singaporean economic policies, Scandinavian education systems, or Kuwaiti currency value. Rather request for minimal constitutional necessities, rudimentary rights, and a milieu of living free from violence and fear. Cut instability and rest of the horrifying developments will vanish in the blink of an eye.

The writer is a freelancer. He can be reached: insafalibangwar98@gmail.com