Daily Times

Another major theme of the populists’ strategy is to deliberately invoke hate and social schism as tools to consolidate power. By framing political discourse in terms of ‘us versus them’, populists worsen existing societal fault lines. They can leverage cultural, religious, and ideological divisions. This creates a cohesive in-group identity among their supporters. This tactic not only deepens societal divisions but also distracts from substantive policy discussions (Margalit, 2019). How effective would debates be if complex political issues were reduced to battles of identity or the need to constantly prove loyalty? Where would these debates be? On the streets without a forum? Mistrust in the ‘other’ and inability to engage in civic dialogue with someone of opposing views undermines the democratic principles that populist leaders can redefine with their charismatic leadership.

One can argue that the ascendancy of populist leaders such as Donald Trump, Narender Modi, and Imran Khan can be attributed to a powerful rhetoric alone. However, they have harnessed the use of modern communication strategies, helping them to amplify their message, influence public opinion, and navigate around traditional informational gatekeepers. Hence, a cornerstone of their strategy lies in the adept use of social media platforms. Trump, Modi, and Khan have turned to Twitter (now X), Facebook, and other digital platforms to communicate directly with their constituencies. By doing so, they bypassed traditional media channels that might question or dilute their message. Being leaders and attention pullers, traditional media must then also cover their developments. This direct line to the populace allows for the unfiltered broadcasting of their viewpoints and the rapid mobilization of support. As a catalyst, the creation of digital echo chambers further reinforces the populists’ narratives (Mounk, 2021). Echo chambers online refers to a phenomenon whereby beliefs are amplified or reinforced in a closed system that like-minded people join which does not allow for rebuttal (Morini, Pollacci, & Rossetti, 2021).

Mastering the digital domain through social media, these populists have effectively sidelined traditional media and informational gatekeepers.

It isn’t just about chat rooms and online spaces. Social media is a highly effective tool to get an unfiltered message to a targeted audience. From ‘Search Engine Optimization’, to predictive behaviours of content preference, to reaching an audience specific to demographics and psychographics, populists now can market themselves efficiently and cost-effectively. Borrowing techniques from the business world, populists apply the principles of marketing and branding which are used to not just sell policies but to sell an image of themselves as the sole saviours capable of rescuing their nations from perceived decline. This is brand substance. Check. Unique personal brand identity? Check. Brand positioning of themselves atop in comparison to competitors? Check. Through memorable and effective slogans and hashtags like #Maga (Gounari, 2018), #SelfieWithModi (Pal, 2019), and #AbsolutelyNot (Muhammad, Muhammad, & Attiya, 2024), the populists and their media teams have taken complex political agendas and simplified them into marketable tags, especially to social media users and the youth. Brand Communication? Check.

Mastering the digital domain through social media, these populists have effectively sidelined traditional media and informational gatekeepers. Instead, they set the agenda on their terms (Taylor & Nietsche, 2020). By fostering a direct dialogue with the public through social media, they have been able to dictate what issues are at the forefront of public discourse, a partial embodiment of Maxwell McCombs’ Agenda-Setting Theory which posits that media significantly influences public perception by choosing which topics to highlight. This strategic bypassing of the conventional media ecosystem has allowed populists like Trump, Modi, and Khan to frame political narratives conducive to their interests, often sidelining critical or dissenting voices in the process. Applying McCombs’ theory further, since gatekeepers and influential media are no longer relevant due to direct contact, populist leaders can manufacture public agendas directly which can lead to policy agendas. That is substantive power wielded by one individual in a democracy.

When the power of public sway is just a few online posts away in an almost uncontrollable medium, what pressures can be put on the government, opposition, organization authorities, or even other governments? In employing these techniques, Trump, Modi, and Khan have not only managed to rise to power but have also fundamentally altered the political discourse in their respective countries. The success of their strategies highlights a concerning trend where populist leaders, can manipulate the tools of modern communication and marketing. It becomes easier for them to achieve a level of powerful influence and control that can challenge the very foundations of a democratic society. This exploration into the methodologies of contemporary populism reveals not just the savvy of these leaders in harnessing the power of media and communication but also exploiting the vulnerabilities of democratic systems in the face of orchestrated and well-marketed political narratives.

As leaders in democratic states, perhaps most alarmingly, the tactics employed by Trump (Kellner, 2018), Modi (Shibli, 2019), and Khan (Shahab ud Din, Ilahi, & Khan, 2024) bear striking similarities to fascism, neo-fascism, or authoritarianism based ideologies. The use of relentless propaganda, the creation of an “us versus them” mentality, the vilification of minorities and political opponents, and the rallying of the populace around a singular nationalistic vision are all techniques that have been seen before in the darkest chapters of history. A significant ingredient is the use of religion to gain segments in society. What these leaders do expertly is combine religion into their political aspirations. For example, just earlier in March, Donald Trump launched a campaign to sell “God Bless the USA” Bibles which also have the US Constitution (Pengelly, 2024). Narendra Modi projects himself around a “right wing Hinduism”, a business-oriented global leader but also a commoner (Peker, 2019). In the case of Imran Khan, many of his speeches include religious references to religious figures and history complete with an ‘anti-establishment’ rhetoric (Shakil & Yilmaz, 2021).

With the combination of an ‘us versus them’ narrative in both politics and religion, how much time would it take before social cohesion starts to tear apart?

(To Be Concluded)

The writer is an Assistant Professor and Media Practitioner.