The way forward — I

Author: Abdul Khalique Junejo

Pakistan nowadays constitutes perhaps the most mentioned, deeply debated and hotly perused topic in the media, think tanks and research institutes locally as well as globally. We see different research results and investigative and analytical reports almost on a daily basis. Some describe Pakistan as ‘the most dangerous country for journalists’, some put it as the country with the highest number of suicide bombings (surpassing Iraq and Afghanistan) and some label it as the epicentre of world terrorism. Some categorise it as the most unsafe place for religious minorities while others question its existence as a ‘normal state’. Yet others go to the extent of putting Pakistan’s future in the company of failed states. At least some of the diseases engulfing Pakistan’s body politic are undisputed, even by the ‘powerful institutions’ normally in the habit of denial. They are: religious bigotry, terrorism and foreign (read US) interference.

This state of affairs needs intense introspection and serious soul-searching. To prevent things from getting worse and reaching the point of total chaos and anarchy, an unbiased, impartial and dispassionate analysis, based on hard facts and ground realities, is the need of the hour to find out when, where and what went wrong and who is responsible for taking things to such a hopeless scenario and making Pakistan ‘a dream gone sour’.

This objective, if pursued sincerely and earnestly, is not very difficult to achieve since Pakistan does not have a very long history of existence and has a well known and definitive basis for its coming into being. Yes, it is the Lahore Resolution of 1940 (of the Muslim League) that is agreed and accepted as the foundation stone of this state. So it would be but natural to begin the process of introspection with reference to this covenant.

There is no mention in this document of Pakistan being an ‘Islamic state’ as has subsequently been claimed. In fact, by word and spirit, regional autonomy and empowerment was the prime objective of this resolution, described thus: “That geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so constituted, with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in north-western and eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute ‘independent states’ in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign.”

It is crystal clear that sovereignty lay with the ‘constituent units’. However, with the establishment of Pakistan things were turned upside down and the sovereigns were made slaves. All powers were confiscated by the central government, which introduced a system of government that made a mockery of the word autonomy, what to talk of sovereignty. During the first 12 months of its existence, the central government laid the foundations of what was to become a highly centralised, in fact hegemonic, state. A word uttered by the people sitting in the Centre was considered sacred and would become a fait accompli for the constituent units/provinces.

Karachi was snatched from Sindh and a better part of the Sindhi nation was uprooted, in the name of religion, and thrown out of their homes and homeland. In their place, people from other countries and provinces were settled, particularly big cities were made no-go areas for Sindhis who were prohibited from even buying the properties left by their fleeing brethren. Sindhi language schools were closed (in the cities of Sindh) and Sindhi culture was ridiculed. Elected governments of Sindh and then NWFP were dismissed arbitrarily, Balochistan was annexed forcibly and Urdu was declared to be the ‘only national language’ of the country.

After making encroachments on the ‘autonomy and sovereignty’ of the ‘constituent units’, in utter violation of the 1940 Resolution, the government of Pakistan embarked, in total disregard to the views of the founder of the country, on the task of ‘Islamising’ the state. The first step in this direction was the passing of the Objectives Resolution.

The third important domain for the new state to determine its future course was the field of foreign relations. The ‘custodians’ of the state immediately embraced the US, one of the two post-World War II superpowers and the emerging imperial power that replaced Britain and other European powers.

At this crucial juncture there were people who suggested a different path for the nascent country to embark upon that could lead not only Pakistan but the entire subcontinent to peace, progress and prosperity. They wanted to make Pakistan a voluntary union of sovereign and autonomous states, to keep religion separate from state affairs, to pursue anti-imperialist and pro-people policies and make friendship with neighbours adjacent to home and to adopt a neutral foreign policy without becoming a pawn in the ensuing superpower rivalry.

Amongst these sagacious and perceptive people were the nationalists of (East) Bengal, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. But the ruling elite of Punjab and the migrants from Muslim-minority provinces of India, through their British-friendly military and civil bureaucracy, immediately took control of the new state and held sway, hence the policies Pakistan pursued.

(To be continued)

The writer is vice chairman, Jeay Sindh Mahaz. He can be reached at junejo.law@hotmail.com

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