Daily Times

Balochistan has been afflicted with a variable level of insurgency — sometimes low, sometimes high — especially since the 1970s. The recent severity in the ferocity of the insurgency was bequeathed by the deeds of the military regime of General Pervez Musharraf.

In principle, the Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan package of 2009 should have won over the hearts and minds of the Baloch but it seems that this is not the case. An in-depth study of Balochistan indicates that the Baloch are harbouring grievances of two types. First, the Baloch are stricken by a sense of deprivation, which is a product of historical neglect. Poverty is rampant and underdevelopment is ravaging the province. Secondly, the Baloch believe that the natural resources of Balochistan are utilised by other than the Baloch themselves. The sense of deprivation and the feeling of exploitation are being expressed not only in terms of hatred against the settlers (whom the Baloch call the non-Baloch settled in Balochistan for political or economic reasons) but also in terms of an anti-federation tendency. The Balochistan package has yet to yield its fruits and soothe the nerves of the Baloch.

Nationalism is not a contemptuous idea to indulge in and nor is ethnic (or provincial) nationalism to practise. In a federal system, all units possess the right to ensconce themselves in their individual identity. The concept of provincial autonomy is meant for serving the same idea. In 2004, three Chinese engineers were killed and several wounded in a car bomb blast in Balochistan. The Chinese were working on a local hydropower project. That incident exacerbated the latest fifth conflict between the security forces and the Baloch insurgent groups. Sensing the situation slipping out of hand, Baloch politicians Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti and Mir Balaach Marri presented a 15-point agenda on the autonomy of the province in 2005. Acceptance of the agenda could have pacified the Baloch insurgents (that their demands were being paid heed to at a formal platform) while the agenda could have provided an opportunity to the federal government to stay away from a conflict. Unfortunately, Nawab Akbar Bugti was condemned by the ruling military regime and considered a part of the problem. The condemnation bolstered the cause of the Baloch dissidents and made both politicians Baloch nationalist heroes. Further, Nawab Akbar Bugti was considered a traitor by the federation and killed in 2006 and Balaach Marri was killed in 2007 but, later on, in 2010 parliament passed the 18th Amendment and granted provincial autonomy to all the provinces, including Balochistan. The rest of the demands of the agenda had already been accepted in the Balochistan package. The ultimate cost of the Baloch cause was paid by the Baloch leaders: is the strategy of meeting demands but after exterminating the Baloch leaders justifiable?

The present history of Balochistan is a witness to the fact that the consequences of mishandling political issues by a military regime, which prefers the method of coercion to settling issues through a dialogue, are grave and long lasting. The act of killing Nawab Akbar Bugti has now proved a major stumbling block in the way of addressing the Baloch grievances. The Balochistan package had a provision for the case of Nawab Akbar Bugti’s killing but no one has heard of concrete inquiry proceedings on the case. No doubt, the Balochistan High Court has recently issued warrants to present General Musharraf and other accused before the court but the federal government has not yet shown its willingness to comply with the orders.

This is not only the demand of the nationalist Baloch but also of the nationalist Pakistanis to evaluate the causes and events that led to the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti. If Nawab Akbar Bugti was a traitor, why was a case not registered against him to be tried in a court of law? All intelligence agencies were at the disposal of General Musharraf, thus collecting and presenting evidence in a court should not have been a problem. Was General Musharraf authorised by the law to hold Nawab Bugti accountable at his own discretion and order his killing? Further, why did General Musharraf discontinue the process of political reconciliation mediated by the politicians of the PML-Q, refuse to accept their recommendations and resort to a military action?

In the context of Balochistan, one’s status as a tribal head means a lot to the Baloch. Did the federation not know this point? No doubt, the Sardari system is incongruent with the present age, but the system is still practised in both Balochistan and FATA. The sardars are respected and their followers lay down their lives for them. Moreover, Nawab Akbar Bugti was also an important political figure of the province and represented the Baloch sentiment. His stature was higher than any government servant including the army chief, for he was a public representative and held several important provincial and national public positions. Is the Pakistani state so ruthless to eliminate in cold blood its own politicians who served the state for years in various capacities? What has happened to the collective morality of the nation?

To add fuel to the fire, the dead body of Nawab Akbar Bugti was buried in the absence of his family and relatives. He was buried as if he were Saddam Hussein of Iraq. Nawab Bugti was a father figure for the Baloch. His death anniversary is now observed as a day of mourning in Balochistan. The federation cannot shirk its responsibility for giving respect to Nawab Akbar Bugti. When a politician who is treasured in a province is humiliated by the federation, what sort of reaction should be expected from his followers? Ironically, the same federation presented a guard of honour to General Musharraf who abrogated its constitution and fled the scene subsequently. Was that act of General Musharraf a condemnable one? The federation of Pakistan has dipped its morality standard too low to be praised. The better option is to hold the killers of Nawab Akbar Bugti and Balaach Marri accountable.

The writer is a freelance columnist. He can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com