Daily Times

Once known as the ‘city of lights’, Karachi is in a perpetual state of turmoil since the 1980s. Karachi’s problem in making multi-ethnic harmony possible invites the attention of socio-political scientists to come up with a plausible solution to revive the era of lights. Karachi is experiencing a disorder of the worst sort owing to several reasons.

First, Karachi’s situation sometimes divulges that people populating Karachi are disinclined to appreciate the idea of multi-ethnic harmony. Perhaps heterogeneity is deemed a menace to the monopolistic order envisioned by homogeneity, which is first idealised and then enforced by any one ethnic identity. Interestingly, by its size, Karachi is a cosmopolitan city but, by its conduct, Karachi is still a metropolitan city. Karachi seems to have been failing in making its mark even as a metropolitan city where multiple identities forsake their relevance and are dissolved to establish a neo-urban society, the prime objective of which is to let its members shed their prejudices and make their collective living possible. Ideally, Karachi is supposed to act as a melting pot where ethnic diversity loses its bearing and the sole Karachiite identity emerges. Instead, in Karachi, the notion of strength in diversity is in jeopardy. No doubt, there are examples of inter-ethnic marriages to produce the Karachi lineage of citizens, but it is still encumbered with the rigid walls of ethnic castles. One may call these borders ‘fault lines’ along which the blood of one’s ethnic rival is spilt without remorse.

Secondly, after partition, immigrants from India could not be assimilated into the local population of Sindh, which was overwhelmingly Sindhi speaking. Local people might have displayed a streak of repulsion to the new claimants of their provincial identity or the immigrants who were overwhelmingly Urdu speaking might have preferred to retreat into their own (brought along) sub-culture for one reason or another. One thing, however, is certain that the linguistic barrier expressed in subtle social and cultural terms might have precluded an ethnic mix. The consequent failure of assimilation made possible the birth of an Urdu-speaking identity, a product of socio-cultural introversion. Had there been a significant native Urdu-speaking population inhabiting Karachi in 1947, the Urdu-speaking immigrants would have faced fewer problems of assimilation and there would have been minimal chances of socio-cultural introversion. Nevertheless, the concentration of the Urdu-speaking immigrants in the urban areas of Sindh such as Karachi and Hyderabad and the presence of the language barrier, a natural attendant to the issue, gave birth to a separate identity called the ‘Mohajir’. Interestingly, the word Mohajir (immigrant) itself reinforces the issue of distinctiveness.

Thirdly, the secession of East Pakistan in 1971 owing primarily to economic deprivation and political disgruntlement (but hastened by military intervention) showed the way to other linguistic identities to think differently from mainstream national thought. The Bengali language was the mainspring of Bengali nationalism, which overwhelmed religious oneness and effected separation. Afterwards, Karachi should have become a laboratory of democracy where multiple ethnicities live together peacefully to be an example of ethnic pluralism to make the Bengalis lament their decision of parting ways. Unfortunately, that has not happened. Instead, the ethnic conflict has reared its head despite the fact that Urdu is the national language compulsorily spoken by all — even by ethnic nationalities. It seems that Urdu is failing to play its role of inter-ethnic unity in Karachi. Presently, the conflict in Karachi is for attaining an increased political role and economic empowerment of one ethnic community, perceptibly at the cost of all others. The sad part is that the ‘others’ are not considered bona fide competitors but deemed adversaries. In fact, by their deeds Pakistanis are still failing to disprove the Bengali assertions.

Fourthly, Pashtuns are now seen as new immigrants to Karachi by the earlier immigrants, Mohajirs. With that, to many, perhaps, comes the fear of colonisation of Karachi by Pashtuns. Sindhis are a third party now but have been trying to keep their space (for economic survival) open in Karachi. After sanctifying their socio-cultural identity in the word ‘Mohajir’, the Urdu-speaking community is conscious of politico-economic space available to it in the urban cities of Sindh including Karachi and Hyderabad. Apparently, the Mohajirs perceive that the Pashtuns are pouching on their preserve — perhaps in the same way Sindhis perceived about the Mohajirs years ago. On the other hand, for Pashtuns, Karachi is like a promised land to earn their livelihood. Away from the rugged terrain, land-locked vicinity, war-inflicted region and poppy cultivation-ridden area of the northwest of Pakistan, Karachi offers Pashtuns an opportunity to fulfil their dreams of both political expression and economic well-being.

Fifthly, the present picture of Karachi indicates that the concept of a composite nationality is still missing from the scheme of ‘Pakistanism’. Individualism, whether of immigrants or locals, is taking precedence over Pakistanisation of Pakistanis. After more than 60 years of Pakistan’s formation, Karachi is not experiencing an ethnic blend. Instead, ethnic segregation is a reality. Moreover, Pakistanis of all hues are failing to understand that Karachi can become neither Delhi nor Hyderabad (Deccan) nor Nawabshah nor Lahore nor Peshawar. All Pakistanis are failing to recognise the unique identity of Karachi. Another thing that is visible is that once again religion has submitted to the politico-economic needs of people, translated into frequent bloody conflicts in Karachi. The earlier example was the formation of Bangladesh. It is now apparent that religion cannot make people compromise their politico-economic interests. In Pakistan, religion is meant for mosques and not for the streets.

Generally speaking, it is obvious that the existing politico-economic imbalance in Karachi is pregnant with a new balance. The prevalent turmoil is a latent phase to make all ethnic identities prepare for new adjustments. Though to fetch a due politico-economic share from what Karachi doles out is a right of all, the sacrifice of Mohajirs to abandon their native areas in India for the sake of Pakistan should not be overlooked.

The writer is a freelance journalist and can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com