Daily Times

The reasons for the violence are many and multi-layered with some analysts terming it as a sectarian conflict, some as an artificially engineered one, some as a question of lack of political rights and some analysts believe that the violence in Gilgit is actually a consequence of Pakistan’s lack of effective federal system of government. However, whatever the reasons, all commentators and political analysts agree on one thing: the Northern Areas are largely seen as an appendix of the Kashmir issue.

Thus on February 28, 2012 (and subsequently other incidents) when 16 men were hauled off by unidentified gunmen from four passenger buses travelling towards Gilgit and killed in cold blood, it was a case of history repeating itself. I use the term ‘history repeating itself’, because in May 1988, thousands of anti-Shia militants converged on Gilgit and let loose a killing spree. For three days, death and destruction ruled Gilgit-Baltistan, until the paramilitary was finally sent in. State complicity in these attacks is commonly pointed out. By some unofficial accounts, up to 700 Shias were killed in the assault. The recent Gilgit incident was preceded by such attacks on Hazaras in Balochistan. In both areas, men were identified on sectarian grounds and executed. The later chain of events, which consisted of reciprocal acts of violence by the opposing community, riots and protests, perhaps even eclipsed the issues and violent incidents in Karachi and Balochistan. The once picturesque holiday destination is bearing witness to unprecedented bloodshed, indefinite curfew, and shortage of basic supplies and flaring tensions between various communities.

The Taliban factor: according to some field reporters, sectarianism in Gilgit-Baltistan has received fresh investment of manpower, funding and planning by the anti-Shia Taliban factions, some of whom have moved to the area. If these reports are true, then one wonders, in an area which is under the military and intelligence spotlight, how can it be considered by wanted men as a safe haven?

The governance factor: there is also a baggage of decades of vacuum of political governance and alienation, fueling the violent and ethnocentric mindset that sectarianism thrives on. The total death toll in Pakistan due to sectarian conflict since 1989 is estimated at more than 7,800. In Gilgit-Baltistan, the absence of political representation, lack of economic opportunities and state complicity in dividing the community on sectarian grounds have proved to be the catalyst for the conflict.

It is imperative for the government to remove and deal with any elements who are sponsoring and promoting the sectarian divide, if it is serious in acquiring some measure of control over the situation. The so-called ulema (religious clerics) responsible for antagonising the already volatile environment, should be identified, isolated and strictly dealt with. The federal government, policy makers and the legislature should discard insensitivity towards Gilgit-Baltistan. The people of Gilgit-Baltistan should be provided with their basic rights and proper representation, while economic opportunities should be promoted in order to diminish the growing frustration, especially among the youth.

What makes the case of Gilgit-Baltistan more tragic is the fact that while we may know about the incidents in Karachi, Jhang, Rawalpindi, Lahore, Quetta, the entire scenario of Gilgit-Baltistan has remained under the radar. Not only the sectarian frictions, but also other social and economic problems faced by the citizens in the area have eluded centre-stage. According to a recent analysis in Gilgit-Baltistan, 117 sectarian related murder cases have been registered since 1988 till 2010, not including the estimated 170 attempted murders. In the year 2010 alone, 44 cases of sectarian nature had been registered. In our ignorance and lack of realisation regarding the severity of the situation, we have given rise to another monster.

This monster has its tentacles all over the country, leaving one to wonder: in order to be safe in Pakistan, which ID card is to carried? To find one that is acceptable to all ethnic and sectarian groups is a tall order in most parts of the country but in Gilgit-Baltistan, a good starting point would be to start the discourse from a non-Kashmir-specific angle.

(Concluded)

The writer is a development consultant and can be reached at coordinator@individualland.com