Daily Times

Pakistan is no stranger to terrorism with global implications for decades. After the success of Afghan mujahedeen in driving out the Soviets forces with US support during the 1980s, Pakistan mobilised parallel ideologically motivated groups to try to force India out of long-disputed IHK, hypothesising that Kashmiri mujahedeen will succeed in breaking the deadlock. Simultaneously, Pakistan expected an encouraging posture from the Taliban the previous allies forming the government in Kabul. The strategy did not succeed and instead made Pakistan a battleground of competing proxies and interpretations of fanatical theories and philosophies. This inconsistent approach to terrorism contributed to the rise of divergent extremist groups, which posed a threat to the inclusive security of the region leading to criticism from the international community. One of the main challenges facing Pakistan today is ‘hanging in balance’ for determining diplomatic and strategic options for its counterterrorism efforts. Pakistan has probably focused on targeting specific groups, rather than addressing the root causes of terrorism as of today.

When the Taliban returned to power in Afghanistan in 2021, Pakistan considered the new regime as a potential close ally. But as of now, the Afghan Taliban has proven to be less responsive than what Islamabad expected. Simultaneously, Pakistan is facing fierce violence from Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP); an alliance of militant networks formed in 2007 to unify opposition against the Pakistani military. TTP is an offshoot ideologically aligned with the Afghan Taliban drawing leadership from Pakistan. Much of the TTP’s political leadership and capability is based in Afghanistan but has regained some territorial influence in southern districts of KPK, like South Waziristan, North Waziristan, Tank, Bannu, and Lakki Marwat. The TTP has claimed responsibility for numerous terrorist attacks and seeks to create an “Islamic Emirate in Pakistan” describing the conflict as Ghazwa-e-Hind (Battle of India).

This inconsistent approach to terrorism contributed to the rise of divergent extremist groups, which posed a threat to the security of the region.

Pakistan’s nuanced approach to the TTP and other militant groups has repeatedly proven that compromise with armed and violent radical Islamist groups is incredible and impossible. The TTP defends its terrorism in the name of Islam and Sharia just as Afghan Taliban hard-liners explain their failure to moderate as a function of their religious faith. Considering some militants as instruments of regional influence while fighting others in the past has had disastrous consequences for Pakistan. The case in point is; more than 8,000 members of security forces and 80,000 civilians of Pakistan have lost their lives in terrorist-related incidents since the beginning of GWOT.

Periodic negotiations between the government and militant groups in recent years have only swayed the militants that the authorities lack the resolve for a sustained contest against terrorists. Defining some jihadi groups as Pakistan’s allies against India’s control of Jammu and Kashmir has generated sympathy for a specific group of Jihadies, but helps more dangerous groups evade scrutiny even as they launch attacks against Pakistani citizens. This sympathy also helps the militant groups in recruitment, interferes with intelligence gathering, and forces the government to make more concessions during peace talks with the groups. Pakistan would certainly do better to abandon its ‘two steps forward and one step back’ approach to fight against domestic terrorism.

The perpetual troop deployment along the Afghan borders has heavily burdened the defence budget of Pakistan for last so many years. Falling foreign direct investment, sanctions over terrorist financing, and money laundering have taken a heavy toll on the poor economy of Pakistan. To make matters worse, Pakistan is continuously mired in an economic crisis. Its foreign reserves are at a nine-year low, inflation is at a 48-year high, and the Pakistani rupee lost 22 per cent of its value during the last year.

Adding insult to injury, the United States, a key ally of Pakistan during GWOT, has always been selectively critical of the country’s sincerity in fighting against the selected terrorist groups. The US occasionally identified Pakistan as a haven for terrorists and has put pressure to take action against these groups. This has led to a strained relationship with the US withholding aid and imposing occasional sanctions on Pakistan. Contrarily, China, another key ally of Pakistan has always been vocal and supportive of Pakistan’s counterterrorism efforts.

The violent and radical Islamist individuals are not just unhappy people who can be easily satisfied with a political compromise. They have strong beliefs and a sense of destiny, and they have faith that violence is the only way to achieve their dogmatic objectives. The militants always take advantage of the country’s political chaos and economic fragility. Pakistan’s political leaders/parties have mostly been uncertain about their respective policies on terrorism for years, and need to recognize the seriousness of this problem before it’s too late. This uncertainty needs to end.

Terrorism must be delinked from religion as no religious doctrine advocates or promotes acts of terrorism. Saying no to terrorism includes determined efforts to strengthen law enforcement and judicial credentials, deepen global information sharing, expand border security, prevent terrorist financing, improve crisis response, and preempt violent extremism. International cooperation/intelligence sharing is essential in implementing a more operative counterterrorism strategy. The international community also needs in their respective interest to “do more” in supporting Pakistan’s efforts. This can include providing financial and technical assistance to enhance Pakistan’s efforts to combat extremist ideologies.

“Snakes in your backyard won’t bite only neighbours”. Hillary Clinton

The writer is a retired Pakistan army officer