Gwadar as Pakistan’s Hong Kong

Author: Dr Qaisar Rashid

On August 19 and again on |
August 23, Nawaz Sharif, Prime Minister of Pakistan, expressed his intention to award Gwadar a special status such as the one being enjoyed by Hong Kong and make it a free trade zone (FTZ) such as Singapore and Dubai. Sharif wants to attract foreign direct investment through the development of Gwadar to boost the national economy. The whole idea seems a reminiscence of Sharif’s thought of making Pakistan an Asian Tiger. Now, Sharif wants to apply that formula to Gwadar, Balochistan.

There are two messages implied in his speeches. First, Gwadar will be given a special status such as making Gwadar a Special Administrative Region (SAR). That is, Gwadar will be having an administrative structure and laws different from the rest of the country. Sharif intends to replicate the formula of ‘one country, two systems’ adopted by China to solve the problem of the unification of Hong Kong (which remained a British colony) with its mainland in 1997. The formula was devised not only to allow the flourishing of the socio-economic life of Hong Kong but also to be a partner of mainstream Chinese life. The formula has worked well and has proved beneficial for both Hong Kong and China in economic terms. The formula was replicated by Dubai in the late 1990s and also worked marvellously in economic terms there. It will be a visionary idea to introduce the same formula in Gwadar.

The second implied message is that Gwadar will either be a FTZ such as Singapore or will have a FTZ in it such as Jebel Ali Free Zone in Dubai. The FTZ formula has worked fabulously in both Singapore and Dubai and has given an economic lift to the economies of Singapore and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This aspect encompasses not only industrialisation of Gwadar (and the suburban areas) but also urbanisation. Both industrialisation and urbanisation are bound to bring modernisation to Gwadar and it means that a new city of Gwadar will be constructed having lofty buildings, modern infrastructure in terms of rail and road networks, and industry all around.

For Pakistan, there are two main advantages of developing Gwadar on modern footings. First, Gwadar will compete industrially with the ports of the region including those of the Gulf States and Iran. (Gwadar can offer an outlook of a competitor to its nearest rival, Dubai.) Second, a big naval base can be developed in Gwadar, which will increase the influence of Pakistan’s navy on the waters of the Indian Ocean. No doubt, China is Pakistan’s best friend and has played a major role (in terms of investment and construction) in the development of Gwadar so far. The crucial point is that if Pakistan sees Gwadar as a port-city to offer benefits to China primarily, the original message of the development of Gwadar will be lost. In that case, Pakistan will be suppressing its local (Baloch) population who may be apprehensive of losing its control on Gwadar and the share in its economy. The point is simple: the development of Gwadar should be Pakistan-centric. If it is China-centric, the critics will try to find the intriguing role of the rivals of China such as the US and India in anything happening that is inimical to the development of Gwadar. If the approach is Pakistan-centric, Pakistan will try to allay the fears of the local population; if the approach is not Pakistan-centric, Pakistan may overlook the misgivings of the locals.

Sharif must understand that the years of suppression in Balochistan have flared up not only ethnic tension but also separatist tendencies there. The introduction of peace and order through military or paramilitary forces is no solution. Sharif must open the route of dialogue with the Baloch dissidents and make them join the national mainstream. One country, two systems is a new thing to Pakistan and may disturb the status quo. Attached to that shattering is the fear of an unknown and uncertain future. This aspect is bound to create law and order problems in Balochistan.

Sharif must take the Baloch leadership, whether it is in the provincial government or out of it, into confidence. It is not difficult for him to do that, as he has already been offering peace overtures to India and the Taliban. If Gwadar is to be governed under a different law, the interests and reservations of the Baloch should be taken into consideration and they should be given a special status in any forthcoming new legislation on Gwadar.

Balochistan does not only need the development of Gwadar but also the development of a chain of educational institutions such as schools, colleges and universities to equip the youngsters to play their white-collar role in the development and running of the Gwadar port. Secondly, Balochistan also needs vocational institutions to prepare blue-collar labour for the work in any kind of labour-intensive industry, as it is known that FTZs are commonly labour-intensive manufacturing areas.

In the past, the central government used to appease the political representatives of Balochistan by showering funds and facilities on them. The past experience even from 2008 to 2013 says that a sense of accountability should be introduced in this practice. The representatives from Balochistan should be asked about the trickle-down effect of the funds on the development of Balochistan. If the people of Balochistan are not raising a voice against their backwardness through political choices, the central government should act in that direction and on their behalf. The age of adopting the policy of aloofness has gone, if Nawaz Sharif is serious in developing Gwadar on modern lines. The central government should make special teams, which should examine if the development against which the development funds are issued to politicians has taken place or not. One thing is crystal clear: if the benefits of the development funds do not touch the earth, the whole exercise of the development of Gwadar will be fruitless.

The writer is a freelance columnist and can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com

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