Daily Times

No doubt, elections are not all of democracy in themselves but they are a component of democracy and a path towards a democratic form of government. This is true for everywhere, including Afghanistan. Both rounds of the presidential elections (on April 5 and June 14, 2014) in Afghanistan set the stage for a new beginning in Afghanistan. The first round was won by Abdullah Abdullah, Afghanistan’s former foreign minister, whereas the second round run-off was won by Ashraf Ghani, Afghanistan’s former finance minister; both were front-runners. In the second and most decisive round, the Pashtuns voted overwhelmingly for Ghani whereas the Tajiks and Hazaras voted for Abdullah. The Uzbek vote remained divided.

As elections are a prerequisite for democracy, a high electoral turn out is an indicator of the popularity of the elections (and the democratic process itself). Reportedly, as compared to the 2009 elections, a high turnout of voters was recorded in the 2014 elections. Out of 30 million people, only 12 million were eligible voters and about 60 percent of them cast their votes in the second round, which was about double the number of votes cast in 2009. The prominent feature of the 2014 elections was the participation of the youth and women. Interestingly, despite allegations of massive electoral rigging in 2009, the Afghans came out of their houses to play their role in the elections. Much credit for this activity goes to the Afghan youth who are below 25 years of age and constitute 75 percent of the total population. Similarly, of the total votes cast, the turn out of female voters in the second round was about 38 percent, some eight percent more than the first round but many times more than the 2009 elections. Furthermore, expatriate Afghans also played an important role in the electoral process.

There was an increase of one million votes cast in the second round as compared to the first round. This point introduced a conflict of interest between the two front-runners. However, by compromising with each other on the electoral result to form a national unity government, Ghani and Abdullah set a new precedent of accommodation in Afghanistan, though US Secretary of State John Kerry played a decisive role in convincing both of them on August 8 to enter into an agreement and negate the track record of political rivalries in Afghanistan. The trend indicates that the US is not as unwanted and unpopular in Afghanistan as is projected in the media.

The election was based not on registered votes but on the admissibility of identity cards (or equivalent documents) provided at the time of voting. There were ballot papers allocated per centre but in some centres the voters outnumbered the ballot papers. That was perhaps why the term ‘eligible voters’ was coined: to give legitimacy to the electoral result when it was recounted and declared by the Independent Election Commission on September 19. It was pro-Pashtun fervour that compelled those who were not registered earlier to cast their votes. Consequently, the Pashtun factor swayed the electoral result in favour of Ghani. One can argue that it was the financial expertise of Ghani that made him popular amongst voters. That may be true, but the ethnic factor cannot be ruled out.

The message is that if a political compromise is possible at the power-sharing level, a compromise is also possible at the social level. This point is a good omen for Afghan society that is replete with factions ranging from ethnic to sectarian. Even the uncertainty over the final electoral outcome, after an electoral rigging dispute erupted, could not undo the resolve to give democracy a chance to reconstruct the political and social systems in Afghanistan. During the process, a point was learnt: resort to negotiations to resolve mutual disputes rather than bullets and bombs. Another positive in this phenomenon is that political reconciliation at the national level will offer ample opportunities for both Ghani and Abdullah to focus on ways to improve the economy and ameliorate the financial situation of Afghans, especially in the rural areas.

During the elections, the way the people of Afghanistan braved the Taliban threat and remained determined to cast their votes is an argument in favour of the promising future of democracy in Afghanistan. Abdullah should also be appreciated for being runner-up to both former President Hamid Karzai and the incumbent President Ghani. Abdullah accepted the decision of the eligible voters for the benefit of Afghanistan. The popularity of elections, democracy and accommodation leaves little room for the Taliban. During the election process, the Taliban might have been able to grab new territories but they lost the territory of social consensus. Their way of thinking and style of living were rejected by Afghans who put their weight behind an idea and process opposed to the Taliban. The notion that the Afghans are an uncompromising lot regarding power in Kabul was also refuted by both Ghani and Abdullah. Their compromise to share power is indicative of the fact that the history of internecine war in Afghanistan is over. In the role of moderator played by John Kerry, there are indications that the US may keep playing a moderating role. On September 30, Ghani signed the Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA) with the US to retain a residual force of about 10,000 US troops in Afghanistan in the post-2014 phase. The end of 2014 — when international troops leave Afghanistan — is now just two months away. Afghanistan has entered a new democratic phase of life.

The writer is a freelance columnist and can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com