India’s link west policy and the Middle East

Author: Hassan Shahjehan

Narendra Modi is not only famous for being an active Indian prime minister who is most of the time looking for economic space for India, but is also famous for using different rhetoric. For example, Modi has explained FDI as being not foreign direct investment but “first develop India”. Such new phrases and abbreviations are used by leaders to make their new foreign policy initiatives more attractive and meaningful. Modi has altered the old ‘Look East Policy’ and has given it new life by creating the proposition that India must not only “look east” but also “link west”. He first uttered this phrase at the ‘Make in India’ conference in Delhi, and then used it in his meeting with US President Obama.

“Look east” was first used in the 1990s by then Indian Prime Minister Narasimha Rao to explain India’s strategy of connecting itself to East and South East Asia during the period of economic reforms initiated at that time. To India’s luck, this phrase has been employed by successive governments.

“Look east” and “link west”, a new invention by Modi, explains much about India’s new approach of flexing its muscle and showing to the world that recognising India as a great power in the region, and in the world, has become inevitable. India’s stakes are rising and, like all other great powers, it should also have legitimate interests in all parts of the world. In this regard, India is now focusing on the Middle East. It is important to mention that India has always referred to itself as a country of “west Asia”, even if it does not exist there.

In South East Asia, there is a regional arrangement for cooperation in the form of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) but no such institutional framework exists in the Middle East to make India’s engagement smoother and legitimise its stakes in that part of the world. India believes that it is the right time to bring about such political initiatives linking India with the Middle East.

No country can disregard the strategic importance of the Middle East, including India. However, previous regimes in India showed their unwillingness to attach importance to the region. The previous Congress government under Manmohan Singh did not visit the Middle East during his decade-long rule, other than attending the Non-Aligned Summits and a few visits to Saudi Arabia, Oman and Qatar. India’s relations with South East Asia and the Middle East were never symmetrical. In the case of the former, India could easily take new initiatives supported by domestic politics. On the contrary, India’s relations with Middle Eastern countries have never been too warm because of the ideological affiliation of the Middle East towards Islam and its closer link with Pakistan. Also, India’s warmer relations with Israel were an obstacle while engaging closely with that part of the world.

In the case of India’s ties with Israel, it was Rajiv Gandhi who first met Jewish communities in the US and took the decision of initiating diplomatic relations with Israel in 1980, and Rao and Atal Bihari Vajpayee later on expanded these formal relations with Israel. However, in 2004, the Congress leadership was reluctant to intensify its political ties with Israel.

Among many other initiatives, Modi has signalled that India is willing to expand its ties with Israel. In this regard, he met US Jewish leaders and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during his visit to the US. If no obstacles are seen, he may become the first Indian prime minister to visit Israel. Here is the complication. Arab history shows that having a closer relationship with Israel means increased hostility with Arab countries. Modi is aware of such complications and, at the same time, he knows India’s stakes in the Middle East that range from energy security to counterterrorism. It is the understanding of this complication that translates into Modi focusing more on the Middle East while adopting an independent policy vis-à-vis Israel and the Arab countries. On the other hand, both Israel and the Arab countries also want to build a stronger and deeper relationship with India.

Modi’s invention of the “link west” policy is aimed at addressing India’s legitimate interests in the region. At the same time, it needs to be cautious about the new sectarian divide in the region — a deep cleavage between the Sunnis and Shias, particularly after the Syrian civil war and the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). How far India is able to develop independent relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran in this regard is a test for Modi’s foreign policy.

Broadly, the region is again facing conflicts, breaking up of alliances and re-alliances amidst a new form of international terrorism. India, thinking of itself as a new power in the world, wants to engage itself more in the region that was ignored at large during the previous regimes. However, how far India’s engagement from Turkey to Iran, and from Egypt to Saudi Arabia affects Pakistan’s relations with these countries will be a big question mark.

Previously, India avoided its involvement in the Middle East but now India is aware of its rising stature and is keen on taking this opportunity to expand its relations all over the world. In this regard, Modi has taken clear positions on the issues of nuclear proliferation and terrorism. He has now hinted at discussing with the US and Europe all issues affecting the Middle East.

The writer is a political scientist based in Islamabad. He tweets @hassanshahjehan

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