Daily Times

Pakistanis are desperately looking for the implementation of the 20 points mentioned in the National Action Plan (NAP). Since NAP is an exhaustive list of goals to be achieved, implementation warrants tireless efforts. The knitting of NAP signifies that at last we have divorced ourselves from a state of denial and have started a journey towards reality. The study of NAP reveals it as an amalgamation of anti-terrorism and counterterrorism phenomena. The plan seems to be a blend of both hard and soft approaches to combat terrorism. It also speaks of political will and national consensus. The 20 points depict that extremism is no more an area-specific phenomenon but rather a countrywide concern.

Patronage and intervention of the federal government speaks of our reactive provincial law enforcement apparatus and weak coordination among dozens of law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Likewise, concerning past initiatives in Karachi and Balochistan, the federal governments were compelled to intervene and prescribe an antidote. In Pakistan, policing is primarily a provincial concern and intelligence gathering is part of the federal domain. Without bridging the communication gap, listed goals will remain elusive. For such purposes the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA) was established in 2009 but it is still in its infancy. If we are really interested in the success of NACTA we should bring it out of the shadows.

After the Army Public School (APS) attack in Peshawar, Pakistan lifted a six-year moratorium on executions. It is estimated that more than 3,000 convicts are awaiting execution. After NAP’s implementation, 20 convicts have been executed. Though a section of the media gave this decision a vengeful colour, it should be mindful of the blood of more than 50,000 innocent Pakistanis. Though these people were executed after a delay, some strength was added to the criminal justice system.

Owing to low conviction rates, 48 anti-terrorism courts faced criticism. Undoubtedly, in a democratic polity, courts are possessive of writ of the state and due process of law. Courts maintain balance between human rights of the accused and victims. Hence cases are not decided on the basis of public opinion. As we are confronted with an abnormal situation, the enormity of the situation requires special judicial treatment. Cases of about 3,400 suspected terrorists involved in terrorism, extortion and kidnapping for ransom are likely to be tried by the military courts. Prior to commencement of the trial, scrupulous scrutiny will be carried out. To evaluate the merit of cases, scrutiny committees at the provincial level comprising of senior police officers and prosecutors are at work.

Countering hate speech, confiscation of extremist material, registration and regulation of madrassas (seminaries) and use of illegal mobile SIMs are directly related to the administration. Hence implementation will determine the efficacy of administration. According to media reports, about 40,000 madrassas are unregistered. Registration and audit of seminaries will be a gigantic task but mere registration will not serve the purpose. To reduce foreign funding of madrassas the government should increase the financial allocation for education. Furthermore, for the graduates of seminaries there should be a roadmap for integration. Without cooperation of the clergy and sustained dialogue integration for these students, the ideological gulf will further widen.

For the very first time the choking of financing for terrorists has been incorporated as part of our counterterrorism strategy. In the Sri Lankan model, financial supply was through overseas Tamils. During its peak, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) received more than $ 200 million per year. Furthermore, the government also successfully pushed the LTTE towards diplomatic isolation. On the diplomatic front we should also isolate extremist organisations and revisit how to dry up the financing of such organisations. It is estimated that during 2013 and 2014, from a dozen countries about 80 seminaries in Pakistan fetched donations worth Rs 300 million.

Reforms in FATA are an important ingredient for the suggested antidote. Mere allocation of more development funds will not pay dividends. However, without administrative reforms, including in the criminal justice system, FATA cannot be a peaceful organ of the federation. Hence, filling the existing judicial and administrative gaps is inevitable. Delay will further strengthen non-state actors. Primarily, FATA remained a launch pad and urban districts remained target areas. Hence both areas have different dynamics. Without maintaining order in FATA, sustainable peace in Pakistan will remain a distant dream.

In urban areas, without the active role of the police, counterterrorism initiatives cannot attain success. The presence of the Prime Minister (PM) and army chief on the eve of the passing out of 421 personnel from the newly raised counterterrorism force in Lahore was an unambiguous signal to non-state actors that the government attaches serious importance to police training and is enthusiastic to quell the terrorists. Without access to a travel history database, National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) database, direct access to phone intercepts, automated fingerprint identification, facial recognition and financial transactions of militants, the police stands crippled.

Banning the glorification of terrorism in the media is another priority. The media should desist from providing oxygen to the terrorists. Ideally speaking, the media should opt for self-regulation and implement a self-tailored code of ethics. The APS carnage questioned the efficacy of the entire criminal justice system and, consequently, revamping it is another defined priority. Though the criminal justice system has faced the major brunt of the ongoing war against terrorism, it has yet to free itself from the reactive mode, which has badly affected the image, morale and efficacy of the entire system. NAP seems silent on de-radicalisation, re-integration of extremists, de-weaponisation and border management. Without an elaborate monitoring apparatus, NAP cannot be translated into reality and, hence, implementation needs systemic monitoring.

While evaluating the implementation pace it should not be merely statistical but rather the impact of such actions ought to be examined and felt by the common folk. The success of NAP will primarily be dependent upon the proactive role and cooperation of provincial governments and public cooperation.

The writer is a police officer