Daily Times

One of the many things that distinguish the modern world from the primitive one is the art of diplomacy. That the modern world looks (comparatively) more peaceful or less dangerous is not because there are less disputes but because man has learned the art of modern diplomacy. In ancient times there were only friends or foes. If there was a conflict the solution was total submission or war-to-the-end.
Today, after passing through great tragedies, humans have acquired the craft of traversing between the two extremes. In modern times, similarities can be found and pursued, simultaneously while fighting over differences. Recent history has shown that one can be an adversary in one dispute and an ally over another issue at the same time, the only exception in contemporary times being US President George W Bush, who used the mantra of “either with us or against us”.
Relations between neighbouring Sindh and Punjab have a chequered history. The relationship carries different colours and different, even opposite, aspects touching the level of conflict and antagonism. In earlier times, Sufism used to be a common cause and a centripetal force between the two peoples. The Sufis of the two lands, who preached and practiced love, respect, peace, equality of man and peaceful coexistence, influenced and inspired each other, and worked in tandem to enrich the hearts and minds of the people with human values. Bulleh Shah, Sultan Bahu and Farid Ganj Shakar were (still are) names popular in Sindh as in Punjab. The most illustrious name in this line of great mystics was Mian (Mohammad) Mir who was a Sindhi but made Lahore his permanent abode and was the chief guest at the founding ceremony of the Golden Temple in Amritsar. Thus, it was a shining case of blurring the boundaries of land, language, ethnicity and religion.
Up until the 18th century, another common factor between Sindh and Punjab was that both had been victims of invaders from the west and the north. But since then the situation started changing. Punjab decided to change its course. Its reply to victimisation at the hands of invaders was to assume the mantle of an invader for itself and victimise others. Expansions in the north, northwest and the northeast were the manifestations of this intent.
Though Sindh, somehow, escaped physical invasion, the economic encroachment on its rights seemed very much on the cards. Plans to divert/expropriate the water of the Indus and to have control over Karachi port remained unimplemented only due to the opposition from the British rulers of India. However, Sindh continued to feel the heat from its northern neighbour. Many students of history consider it a blessing in disguise that Sindh was occupied before Punjab otherwise it might have been annexed with Punjab instead of Mumbai and then it would have been much more difficult to restore Sindh’s separate identity.
After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the situation became worse as Punjab acquired complete dominance over the state apparatus owing to its special relationship with the British colonial powers and thanks to a heavy Punjabi presence in the army and bureaucracy. Since then all decisions were made at the will of and in the interests of Punjab. When it came to the struggle for political, economic and cultural rights, it was always Punjab versus the others.
The story of Sindhi sufferings is unending. At the outset, their capital, Karachi, was snatched, their language was relegated to third status, their culture was ridiculed, their lands were occupied and auctioned, natural resources confiscated and their identity was erased from the map (through the Punjab-sponsored scheme of One Unit). Today, Sindhis are faced with the influx of, and colonisation by, alien people and are threatened with conversion into a minority in their own motherland, just like the Palestinians. Many Sindhis feel that they have become a colony of Punjab. Even the most pro-Centre politician from Sindh, Ms Benazir Bhutto, once went public saying, “Sindh was being run by Islamabad like a colony.”
With their 5,000 year existence at stake, the Sindhi people were forced to invoke the 1940 Lahore Resolution, the founding charter of this country, for recognition and restoration of their sovereign status and are struggling to win an opportunity to use their inherent and universally accepted right of self-determination in order to decide their national future.
This scenario puts Sindh and Punjab at different poles; there seems to be nothing common between the two and one’s gain is considered the other’s loss. But the communications revolution has blurred all boundaries. No people can remain immune any more to the troubles of others, no nation can survive oblivious to the happenings in its backyard. Today, if one part of the earth is burning, the winds of modern communication take the flames to every nook and corner of the world within no time.
One inferno is religious extremism. The epidemic that started from FATA has swept almost the whole country leaving behind burning mosques, blazing churches, destroyed mandirs (temples), scorched houses, ruined markets and heaps of human bodies and charred human flesh. Recently, as was feared, it has spilled onto the plains of Sindh.
Though the role of the Punjab-dominated establishment in creating and nurturing this monster of extremism cannot be ignored, when there is a deluge the foremost requirement is to join hands and make all efforts needed to stop it and build a strong bulwark against it, leaving the question of who did what for later.
Capitalism and communism are anathema for each other. During the earlier part of the 20th century, capitalist countries fought wars against the Soviet Union, symbolising communism. But when the monster of Nazism came onto the scene, the two ‘enemies’ joined hands to defeat it. After defeating Nazism the capitalist bloc and the Soviet Union continued their fight against each other.
Punjab and Sindh are custodians, separately, of a long and illustrious history. They are both inheritors of rich civilisations and great cultures having many things in common. Their civilisations developed and cultures flourished at the cost of the sweat and blood of many a generation spread over centuries. The arrival of Islam made a remarkable addition to all this. Now the extremists-turned-terrorists, in the name of Islam, want to annihilate this civilisation and erase this culture from the hearts, minds and souls of the inhabitants of this land.
One of the common things between Sindh and Punjab has been Sufism, which preaches peace and advocates pluralism and coexistence. Sufism is one of the main targets of the terrorists because violence is their faith and hatred is their inspiration. Keep in mind that Sufism’s advanced mould is secularism. So, taking a leaf from their common history of Sufi culture, Sindh and Punjab can join hands to fight the menace of religious extremism with the weapon of secularism.
If seen from an economic point of view, in the light of history, secularism is/should be the need of Punjab more than Sindh since Punjab has entered the phase of capitalism. History shows that capitalism and secularism work in tandem to defeat the coalition of feudalism with religion. It seems strange that Punjab’s party of industrialists and traders is making alliances with religious fundamentalists while Sindh, still reeling under the yoke of feudalism, is putting up a brave fight against extremism thanks to its history, culture, literature and the role of people like Shah, Sachal, Sami, Allah Bux Soomro, Hyder Bux Jatoi and, of course, G M Syed.
Sindhi society, led by the nationalist movement, is putting up resistance against the onslaught of extremism in very adverse circumstances where the dominant feudals are submerged in corruption, a large number of outsiders either support extremists or remain aloof and, most importantly, the establishment, contrary to its tall claims, is still backing, rather promoting, religious fundamentalists.
In this situation, it becomes obligatory for the enlightened, progressive, leftist and peace-loving people of Punjab to rise to the occasion and stand by the Sindhi people in these testing times. Let us join hands to respond to the call of history and prove ourselves worthy successors of the great Indus Civilization, and responsible predecessors to our coming generations. Let us demonstrate that we are able and capable enough to pursue the difficult path of diplomacy and fulfil the demanding task of struggle in one field (the national question) and alliance on the other front (religious extremism) simultaneously.

The writer is chairman Jeay Sindh Mahaz and can be reached at junejolaw@gmail.com