Last year in October, Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa Al Thani, the Emir of Qatar, visited the Gaza Strip where he was greeted by enthusiastic Gazans holding placards with his pictures on them. It was the first time an Arab head of state visited the coastal enclave since the ruling Hamas took it over after violent wrangling with Fatah. The crowd’s fervour was bolstered by the emir’s announcement of making an investment of $ 400 million in the impoverished Strip. Qatar — a peninsula in the Persian Gulf — is the world’s richest country, with an estimated population of less than two million, the bulk of which consists of foreign expatriates. To the south, it shares a border with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia while the rest of the country is surrounded by the Persian Gulf. It is separated from the state of Bahrain by a strait. The immense wealth of this tiny nation is built around exports of liquefied natural gas (LNG), oil and related products. The country is also one of the leading buyers of American products. Facilitated by a highly stretchable cash flow, and the Arab world’s most popular TV channel, Qatar has transformed itself from an obscure Arab nation into a major player in regional as well as international politics. The Emir of Qatar is now regarded as the foremost diplomat in the Middle East, and his country as a place where important decisions are made. The main reasons for Qatar’s phenomenal resilience are its relatively small size, and its ability to make quick decisions allowing it to bypass other bigger players where decision-making is a gruelling process. By virtue of its modest size, Qatar is not perceived as a threat, which makes it easier for the Emir to project himself as a fair broker wherever conflicts arise. However, his immense economic resources guarantee that the Emir has considerable room for behind the scenes manoeuvring because of his privileged position. Moreover, a meticulously crafted vision of an open, liberal and progressive society assures continued western support for the country. The diminishing role of conventional Arab powers has created a vacuum that allowed Qatar to enhance its own role in regional politics, although the Arab Spring is responsible for catapulting Qatar to the world’s centre-stage. Nonetheless, it was actively involved in Arab affairs long before the first revolutionaries took to the streets of Tunisia. Over the years, it has offered support to Hezbollah and Hamas, and fostered relations with Iran and even Israel. It hosts the American military command for the Middle East (CENTCOM) as well as a US airbase. Qatar has played an important role in mediating conflicts in several parts of the world including Lebanon, Yemen, Sudan and Afghanistan. The Arab Spring saw a visible shift in Qatar’s foreign policy from a mainly cautious role to a more active participation in regional affairs. Its television channel — Al Jazeera — played an indirect but significant role in mobilising the Arab masses. Qatar also facilitated military intervention in Libya, an act that clearly displayed that it was ready to pursue a more vigorous foreign policy after years of playing it safe. Qatar’s involvement in Libya was much more than playing a pivotal role in convincing the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the Arab League to seek military action. It not only took part in establishing a no-fly zone but also assisted the National Transitional Council (NTC) in selling oil. Besides, it poured million of dollars in aid to the embattled country. To top it all, it was later disclosed that Qatar had also dispatched its ground forces to Libya during the decisive days of the conflict. When the rebellion started in Syria, Qatar was the first Arab nation to sever diplomatic ties with the country, whereas Al Jazeera provided extensive coverage of the conflict to the Arab world and beyond. Qatar has invested billions of dollars in Europe, covering almost every sector from real estate to sports and media. During President Sarkozy’s term in office, Qatar cultivated ties with France that developed into a close relationship with both countries cooperating on the economic and military fronts. The French connection has provided Qatar with a first grade diplomatic ally as well as a source of diversification from total reliance on the US. The Palestinian issue is a matter that must be tackled by every Arab leader aspiring to be an important player in the region. When the Hamas leader Khalid Mashaal left Syria in the midst of mounting violence, Qatar was more than happy to provide him residence and Sheikh Hammad Bin Khalifa’s landmark visit to Gaza last year was, in fact, the arrival of a dynamic new leader on the Arab horizon. So, this brings us to the eventual query. What are the Emir’s ultimate objectives? Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani was born in January 1952, received his early education in Qatar and then went to the Sandhurst Military Academy in the UK, from where he graduated in 1971. He joined the Qatari armed forces as a Lieutenant Colonel and later became a Major General and the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. In June 1995, he became the Emir of Qatar after deposing his father. He was crowned in June 2000. The principal political inspiration of the Emir, like the rest of the Persian Gulf rulers who belong to almost the same age group, is Gamal Abdel Nasser, who gave them a sense of worthiness and whose Arab nationalism they embraced while discarding his socialist ideas. It is a deeply rooted yearning to revive the Arab identity and its traditions that drive the Emir. A few western commentators believe that Qatar wants to conquer the world. However, in order to become a world power, a country needs much more than an enormous cash reserve and a powerful news channel. Qatar is now firmly established as a small power in the world arena. Perhaps this is what the Emir always wanted. The writer is an investment banker and a freelance columnist for various publications. He can be reached at syedatifshamim@hotmail.com