It’s widely believed that there are two main branches of Islam-Sunni and Shia-whichdiffer in their understanding of early Islamic history and hence, they have different ideas about how Islam’s leadership should have been organised in subsequent eras. But there is a third, lesser-known body of believers with deep historic roots, and their identity fractionally predates the Sunni-Shia split in the seventh century. They are the Ibadis and they number less than three million in total.
The Ibadi branch takes its name from the moderate Islamic scholar Abdullah ibn Ibad at-Tamimi, who became the leader of the group in Basra around 685 BC. The Ibadis,though, claim that their true founder was Ibn Ibad’s successor, Jabir ibn Zaid al-Azdi, originally from Oman.They are an offshoot of the Khawarij, one of the hardest-line tendencies to emerge in early Islam, and yet the Ibadis are at the liberal end of the Islamic spectrum in every way. By contrast, the Ibadis were and are relatively accommodating towards Muslims of other schools of thought and towards Christians and Jews.
On some touchstone theological issues, the Ibadis take what modern Western analysts would call a liberal line. For example, they see the Holy Quran as being created by God rather than a manifestation of divinityitself.
Unlike any other country in the region, Oman’s legal system offers extensive protection to religious minorities-Sunniand Shiite Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Jews, Christians and Buddhists. Ibadis have always followed the attitude of unity with other Muslims even if they are non-Ibadis. The only circumstance in which an Ibadi is allowed to resort to violence is when there is a need to remove an unjust despot from power. Violence is never professed for religious reasons and mixed marriages with Muslims of other denominations are allowed.
Ibadism has always demonstrated a notable openness to non-Muslims as well. The Ibadis are the least fanatic and sectarian of all ideologies. In its schoolcurriculum, the Sultanate of Oman avoids teaching sectarian dogma or the history of division within Islam. Curricula are informed solely by general Islamic principles undisputed by Sunnis, Shias or Ibadis. In fact, it is widely perceived as illegal to ask someone what sect they belong to, as it’s almost always perceived as an insult and, under the law, an ‘abuse to a person’s dignity’. Children are taught from a young age to not inquire about the sect, tribe or mother tongue of others. This approach appears to have strengthened the country’s social fabric.
This is even proven by the figures released by international agencies. In 2015, the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence at London’s King College found that not a single Omani had joined themore than 20,000 foreign fighters battling alongside ISIS. The 2016 Global Terrorism Index gives the country a score of zero, which means that there is “no impact of terrorism” within its borders. It’s noteworthy that Oman is the only country in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) with such a score, which makes it one of the safest countries in the world.
While tensions between the different branches of Islam have been peaking throughout the Arabian Peninsula and the Middle East, Oman continues to uphold its traditional liberal stance. Oman always pursues an independent foreign policythat helps it to be seen as a friend of all. That’s why Oman has managed to stay out of disputes, maintaining good relationships with western allies and other Middle Eastern countries. Omanis donot participate in the Saudi bombing campaign and the naval blockade against Yemen. Sultan Qaboos has hosted several negotiation sessions aimed at stopping the ongoing war. He has kept friendly relations with both the United States and Iran.Oman facilitated secret US-Iran meetings that eventually resulted in the Vienna nuclear talks.
Other Arab states can learn from Oman that the best way to prevent foreign meddling in their internal affairs is to accommodate all ethnic and religious groups
It is not only Ibadism that contributed in this liberal attitude of Omanis. Another important factor is their culture and exposure with the outside world since ancient times. The sultanate has an ancient history of trade with the outside world dating back to pre-Islamic times, which has done much to contrast its national identity with that of Arabia and other Persian Gulf sheikdoms. As early as the 4th century, Omani traders sailed to China from the Sohar harbour, north of Muscat.
Oman’s success in terms of preventing their young subjects from leaving the sultanate to fight with global jihadist networks on the battlefields of Iraq and Syria or waging lone wolf attacks in the Gulf Arab nation, is a notable achievement given the thriving radicalisation in the region. Much of this success can be attributed to the nature of Oman’s foreign policy and the manner in which the nation has managed its own society. Other Arab states can learn from Oman that the best way to prevent foreign meddling in their internal affairs is to accommodate all ethnic and religious groups to avoid granting outsiders opportunities to exploit tensions between regimes and historically marginalised communities.
The author is a columnist for the Middle East and Af-Pak region and editor of geo-political news agency Views Around
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