In recent years, there remains a discomfiture of the strained relationship between the White House and the 10th Downing Street.UK has been scrambling to stem the damage inflicted by the latest release of confidential diplomatic telegrams in which UK’s envoy to Washington, Kim Darroch, criticised President Donald Trump’s administration as “dysfunctional”, “clumsy” and “inept”, the UK’s one of leading newspapers, Mail reported recently, citing a series of confidential memos. The growing fissures in the exclusive relationship between the US and the UK are clear. Though they might start with the British view of president’s personality, they could not end there. Domestic turmoil in both countries and the seeming decline of the Anglo-American order have put this erstwhile relationship-under fire because of the ongoing policy differences between Washington and London over the trade policy. Donald Trump has been “disrespectful” towards Theresa May, Britain’s Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt has said. His comments come after President Trump called Sir Kim Darroch, the UK ambassador to the US, “a very stupid guy” amid a row over leaked emails. He went on to criticise Theresa May over Brexit, saying she had ignored his advice and gone her “own foolish way”. In view of some thinkers, President Donald Trump is, of course, a committed Anglophile and a Brexit supporter. But his comments on a potential UK-US trade deal post-Brexit have been more equivocal. In November 2018, he said that the withdrawal agreement negotiated by Theresa May with the EU meant the UK may not be able to trade with the US after it leaves the EU – remarks that alarmed Brexiteers. Trump’s British critics argue that intermittently over the past two and a half years, President Trump has meddled into the U.K.’s domestic politics. He has repeatedly compromised its national security thereby unjustifiably commenting on its intelligence agencies. He has also deliberately pointed finger on PM, Theresa May. Trump has adopted a predatory and exclusive approach in trade talks by seeking to squeeze controversial concessions out of London, and undoubtedly he refused to reckon to the British government’s point of view on vital issues of shared concern, such as Iran and climate change. Needless to say, Britain’s exit from the E.U. will bring about a broad realignment of Europe and would probably put in playing a number of issues – from sanctions’ imposition on Russia to free trade to military strategy – that is of sensitive concern for the United States. Both leaders and the strategists in London and Washington prefer to boast of their so-called special relationship, the product of centuries of political, cultural and linguistic relations and trust. The reality, advocate policymakers, is that UK’s ouster from the European Union is a lot less special. In reality, the very ultimate outcome of Brexit will have, nevertheless, some profound reverberations for Washington, but it is still unclear whether Trump’s administration recognizes what is at stake. So far as Trump’s previous reaction to the Brexit withdrawal agreement had been to not only criticise the deal but to also suggest that it would undermine U.S.-UK trade, further jeopardizing the deal’s future. Yet a no-deal scenario would have resulted in bringing about an impact on several crucial U.S. political, security, and economic interests vis-à-vis the UK and Europe. Despite the fact that Washington has only limited means to play a constructive role in the formal negotiations, the Trump administration’s bottle-neck approach thus far has not served it well. But it is an inescapable fact that the UK’s entry into the EU provided a cushion to protect US’ geopolitical and geoecomic interests in the European Block. At present, the US -UK businesses is undergone a period of uncertainty, which could badly affect investment and trade and be a hampering over one of the largest economies in the world and the US’ most trusted ally. Yet it might end up with a positive result with the UK having both an FTA with the US and the EU. While getting to this inference, however, will take some time, indeed. Factually, the Left in Britain seems far more sceptical of this special relationship with the US, albeit not without cause, Trump’s critics in the UK warn that a trade deal with the US could cause the partial privatization of public services– the NHS, or – as has been widely reported in the media – a weakening of health and safety standards in the UK. At present, the US -UK businesses is undergone a period of uncertainty, which could badly affect investment and trade and be a hampering over one of the largest economies in the world and the US’ most trusted ally Whilst rebounding the pro-Remain sentiments of the majority on the Left, the spectre of a closer partnership with Trump’s America is nothing but another example of the unfortunate miseries of Brexit. Hence, the only alternative tabled by the Left to a deepened Anglo-American special relationship is that London should stay as close as possible to the Brussels’ core. This is why a soft Brexit strategy is favoured by most left-wingers in British politics. Most significantly, the Labour Party now advocates for staying in the EU Customs Union permanently following Brexit. The Trump administration has made it clear to Boris Johnson, UK’s new PM that any post-Brexit US-UK free trade deal could exclusively rely on 10th Downing Street’s reversing plans to tax large American tech firms, according to reports. Despite the fact that there are growing signals that relations between Washington and London could improve in the post Johnson era, the trade relations seem to determine the fate of this relationship. “We’re working already on a trade agreement,” Mr Trump told reporters. “And I think it’ll be a very substantial trade agreement, you know we can do with the UK, we can do three to four times, we were actually impeded by their relationship with the European Union.” At a time of changing the global order– in terms of demographic, geopolitical , social, and economic change on both sides of the Atlantic, the very solid foundation of shared values and common concerns articulated through a voyage of history– offering a unique opportunity to build and share experience and expertise to develop collaborative approaches for the benefit of two nations, the American and the British and the wider global community, as well-the very predictable future of this Anglo-American partnership is positively sealed in promoting global goodness rather than demarking into divisive approaches. The writer is an independent ‘IR’ researcher and international law analyst based in Pakistan