Daily Times

Six years ago, on 10 January 2013, a snooker hall in Quetta witnessed a suicide attack, killing eight people. Shortly after the initial blast, another explosive device was detonated after being planted on an ambulance, just to make sure that the maximum number of Shia Hazaras could be killed. And they were: over 120 people, most of them Shia Hazaras, lost their lives. A mere five weeks after this horrific attack, another 90 people were killed when a bomb went off in a crowded market in Quetta. The victims of this attack were mainly women, out grocery shopping, and schoolchildren returning home.

The terrorist organization that claimed responsibility for both these attacks was the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), which has made clear its intention of transforming Quetta into “a graveyard for Shias”. Now, in 2019, LeJ, along with other terrorist groups, continues to target the Hazara community, with complete impunity. On 12 April this year, 20 people were killed and 48 injured when a suicide bomber attacked a market in Quetta. There has been no moment devoid of fear, and emotional and physical trauma for this community. Their graveyards are over capacity: deaths that the State of Pakistan has done absolutely nothing to prevent.

It is baffling how so much blood and tragedy has culminated in such little action. One could ask how many more from this community have to suffer but one fears the answer would be more of the same deafening silence. Ultimately, the LeJ is reflective of a deeply entrenched mindset within Pakistani society – one that endorses violence against those who fall outside a Sunni militant interpretation and understanding of Islam.

The problems we face don’t stem from our lack of awareness or understanding on how to deal with them but from the silence of our leaders who refuse to make substantive and concrete changes on this front

This mindset is tolerated by the State for two major reasons. First, groups such as the LeJ share closely the right wing, radical religious ideology of certain political parties, as well as some ranks among the military elite (and even among members of the judiciary and bureaucracy). In other words, this ideology has been normalized, institutionalized and mainstreamed, whether through permissions being granted to hate-preachers to appear on national television, or by allowing members of radical groups/terrorist organizations to contest elections. This ideology then manifests itself in both brazen and subtle ways, within our laws, homes, schools and mosques.

Second, there are considerations at play here vis-à-vis constituency politics. While there was no moment to waste before deciding to bomb the life out of our brothers and sisters in the north of the country, Punjab has been allowed to develop into the most fertile breeding ground for bigotry, intolerance and militancy. Radical groups and their leaders, even if outlawed on paper, roam freely. Politics is “religious” and so it will remain for as long as the many notables involved (politicians, generals and religious clerics/hate-preachers) continue to use religion to enhance their power and control.

What has resulted from this is a situation that will take decades to reverse/counter, assuming we are able to decisively start taking the steps necessary today. Political will to act is the first crucial step. Everything else will follow. The problems we face don’t stem from our lack of awareness or understanding on how to deal with them but from the silence of our leaders who refuse to make substantive and concrete changes on this front. Surely, enough intelligence is available, at the State level, to identify and trace members of these radical/terrorist groups (if they are not already known to State officials – which is highly unlikely). One imagines if the intelligence is so quickly able to trace dissenters, they could be equally quick in tracing perpetrators of heinous crimes (if not quicker considering the gravity and scale of the situation).These groups have been operating since before 2013 so it would be a cause for serious concern (and even investigation and prosecution) if members of these groups were not known to our intelligence agencies.

Simultaneously, there is a need for this political will to also manifest itself in public and unequivocal State support for the Hazara community. Their pain, helplessness and anger must be met with the deepest kindness, support, empathy and compassion. These attacks have been ongoing for far too long for the same old empty rhetoric and meaningless gestures: what is required is a shift in policy, the dedication to implement this new policy, and solidarity with the Hazara community. Anything short of that is unacceptable.

The writer is a lawyer