Forget about Ides of March, month of October too has been ominously significant for Pakistan. On October 16, 1951 a hired assassin’s bullet to subvert democracy was fatally pierced into the heart of Pakistan’s first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan — most trusted lieutenant of the founder Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Earlier, he had survived an abortive quasi-military coup led by an army general. Ever since then democracy has never had a smooth ride. As per the historic data plus circumstantial evidence available, Liaquat was the first victim of cold war politics. It was either organized or carried out at the behest of a super power since he was adamant not to be part of its sinister scheme of things. He had refused to help Americans with Pakistani troops in the Korean War and declined to be part of Anglo-American conspiracy to oust popular Iranian Prime Minister Dr Mossadegh when he nationalised Anglo-Iranian Oil Company fleecing Iran of its oil wealth. Significantly, this year marks the 200th anniversary of the birth (October 17, 1817) of the greatest Indian Muslim reformer of the 19th Century — Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. Rightly called father of Muslim Renaissance in post 1857 India, only a man of his stature, vision, perseverance and determination could pull the Muslims out from the mire of decadence and re-launch them as a nation of substance. He picked them from the status of ‘hewers of wood and drawers of water’ and ignited in them the spirit to seek education, respect, equitable opportunity and fight for their rights. He was the first to differentiate between Muslims and Hindus as two separate nations — two beautiful eyes of one body. Days of political importance and of seminal consequences are quite a few. Pakistan’s first martial law was imposed on October 7, 1958 by President General Iskander Mirza. He abrogated the 1956 Constitution, dismissed Prime Minister Feroze Khan Noon just a few months before he was to announce first ever general elections. This illicit sharing of power arrangement could not last long and General Ayub showed his true colours by packing up Mirza on October 27, 1958. So did we see the birth of Doctrine of Necessity for justifying subversion of democracy, constitution and rule of law — courtesy Chief Justice of Pakistan, Mr Justice Muhammad Munir — to sanctify might of the generals to play roughshod with the country’s future. Mian Sahib has drawn battle lines. He considers himself a master in the art of confrontation. His daughter, too, is following in his footsteps. And unlike Punjab’s political tradition, his party has stuck together and is rallying behind him It also saw the emergence of a power troika comprising of generals, civil bureaucrats and superior judges — that, backed by Punjab’s feudal elite created by the Raj and theocratic warlords who had opposed Pakistan — got into recognizable shape to replace MAJ’s idea of a secular social welfare state with that of a garrison state. Presidential form of government was introduced and seeds of Pakistan’s break up sowed, Gen Zia’s coup and judicial murder by him of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan’s first populist Prime Minister — were all sounds of death knell. One cannot encapsulate here all that happened in 70 years, one gets over to yet another coup on October 12, 1999. An overly ambitious Prime Minister seeking to be Ameerul Momineen on the footsteps of Mulla Omar of Afghanistan, decided to get rid of his Army chief General Pervez Musharraf and then got knocked down by GPM’s boomerang. Had his foreign mentors namely Saudis and American President Clinton — not intervened to save his neck, he would been a foot note in history. Mian Sahib has drawn battle lines. He considers himself past master in the art of confrontation. His daughter too is following his footsteps. And surprisingly — unlike Punjab’s political traditions — his party is still sticking together. Even people like Ch Nisar who pose as the most holy among the holiest, do whimper quite often and host an attitude of hostility but refuse to bite. Obviously MNS’ message of defiance are rightly being considered as offensive and due attention is being given by the Establishment. Clash of institutions continues to threaten the federation. While the First institution is being obliquely challenged, highest judiciary seems to be a clear target as the villain of the piece for unseating for him the pleasure of powers that be. MNS and his family members disqualified by the Supreme Court, initially seemed reluctant to appear before the Accountability Court- is it change of heart, saner advice or adoption of new strategy? One would tend to see more of strategy in it in keeping with his overall policy of defiance. First hearing of Mian Sahib’s appearance in the Accountability Court seemed to be a piece of rewind of 1997 when PLM-N goons thoroughly desecrated the Supreme Court and forced its Chief Justice to resign. Mian Sahib is both born again democrat and an ideologue as he calls himself. His stand is also sound that how long would the nation be helpless witness to see elected prime ministers sent home by the establishment. However, his claim that he has been disqualified for his revolutionary development programme to usher in over all good for the people and that there has been no corruption in his government — can only make one laugh at this psycho pathetic state of mind. His first dismissal was on charges of corruption, second for more corruption, over ambitious aggrandizement of power and attempt to completely obliterate opposition and voice of dissent. His overwhelming majority in National Assembly almost got him to be Ameerul Momineen but for the PPP dominated Senate that did not let it happen. It was his excessive abuse of power, vendetta against opposition leaders and illegal massive accumulation of wealth through mega corruption coupled with his own Bonapartist ambitions made General Pervez Musharraf take over. Popularly it was considered a blessing in disguise — welcomed by people who had been fed up by his style of governance. While people distributed sweets, his party beneficiaries found safety in their holes. Situation at that, one apprehends that the policy of confrontation — though politically romantic it sounds — may not end in repeating history. The writer is former High Commissioner of Pakistan to UK and a veteran journalist Published in Daily Times, October 11th 2017.