There is not a whole lot to say if one is looking for good news from the domain of governance. The state of party politics is mixed. Truly intriguing is the fact that each of the better known parties is a participant in governance at the provincial or central level and in some cases at both. In other words, there is no nationwide opposition party or coalition. Firmness of commitment to an ideology or even a programmatic agenda varies from one party to the next. The same may be said of each party’s internal coherence and tightness of its organisation. The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) emerged from the 1970 general elections as the most popular and the largest party in the areas that now compose Pakistan. It is at the present time the ruling party at the Centre and in the province of Sindh. It is a partner in some of the provincial ruling coalitions other than the one in Punjab. It had a predominantly socialist bearing until about the middle of 1974 when Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto replaced the more notable socialists (Dr Mubashir Hasan and Khurshid Hasan Meer among others) in his government with feudal lords. The party then lost its internal coherence. It became an organisation of diverse persons, influential in their respective electoral constituencies, who wished to have the existing government’s support in maintaining their local prominence. Suffice it to say that it now stands slightly left of centre in national politics. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government may have made some bad choices in the area of economic policy, but no allegations of corruption against him or any of his leading associates had surfaced. It became notorious for flagrant corruption when Benazir Bhutto served as prime minister (1988-90 and 1993-96).The present PPP government at the Centre and the one in Sindh have the same reputation. One interpretation of its loss of its moral integrity is that it suffered extreme persecution (loss of life and limb, rigorous imprisonment, flogging, confiscation of assets, exile) during General Ziaul Haq’s long regime. The hardships that the party’s leaders and workers had endured led them to claim that they had made sacrifices for upholding democracy, and that they deserved to be rewarded for their exertions. They have been determining what these rewards should be and reaping them since March 2008 without further reference to the people. Since the death of Benazir, Asif Ali Zardari has been the head of the party and president of the country. He allows, perhaps even encourages, his associates to make money both within and outside the law. The abandonment of an appealing political ideology and their greed have virtually ruined the party. Its vote bank among its workers, urban lower middle class, and sections of the rural population remains intact. But even so it is unlikely that it will regain its influence and prestige after the next elections. The Pakistan Muslim League (PML) used to be regarded as the king’s party, which indeed it was until about the mid 1950s. It fell prey to factionalism and defections, which continues to be the case even today. It has had to contend with a serious problem, which it has never adequately addressed. It waged the struggle for Pakistan under Mr Jinnah’s able leadership. This glorious objective was achieved on August 14, 1947. Mr Jinnah died a little more than a year after this event. His successors should have told the people what their mission was now going to be. They said nothing on the subject. They would appear to have felt that having accomplished such a monumental enterprise as the division of India and the creation of Pakistan they should not have to do anything particularly notable to justify their continued predominance in the country’s politics and government. They believed that the destiny of Pakistan was coterminous with their own. Some of them went so far as to assert that those who opposed the PML were opposed to the continued existence of Pakistan. This state of mind, this inclination to passivity and lethargy, created a vacuum that other forces arose to fill. The PML became and remained dysfunctional for a time. Turning to the PML’s place in the present political scene, we see the Q faction led by Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain. He has been acting the role of the king’s instrument during periods of military or otherwise authoritarian rule. He and his close associates are currently enjoying the hospitality of President Zardari. They stand for nothing in particular with regard to public policy. The PML-N, headed by Nawaz Sharif, is the party’s larger and more influential faction. It projects itself as a serious-minded organisation that understands the country’s problems and knows how they are to be met. A few months ago it advertised a 30-point agenda identifying the moves that must be made to bring about the needed reforms. It gave the government 45 days to do the needful or resign and go away. The deadline passed, Mr Gilani’s government showed no signs of its intention to take the PML-N’s agenda seriously, and the party did nothing to launch an anti-government mass movement. In his public meetings during the last couple of months, Mr Sharif has been repeating his threat to organise a movement to throw out the present intolerably wicked and incompetent government. But once again, action matching his words has not materialised. Indications are that it has been postponed indefinitely. My own impression is that he is now inclined to leave the Zardari-Gilani regime alone until time takes its toll, presumably when the next elections are held. The PML-N appears to be the most influential organisation in our politics. This may not remain the case. The advent of Imran Khan, head of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), poses a serious threat to the PML-N’s prospects. He is generally regarded as a man of honour and courage and one who inspires trust. He has gained a considerable amount of popularity and prestige, particularly among the younger segments of the population, including many of the media people. He is one of a kind among politicians. If he is able to set up an effective organisation during the next few months he will probably do well in the next elections. No one should be surprised if he and his party emerge as a political force that makes Nawaz Sharif’s prospects problematic. The writer, professor emeritus at the University of Massachusetts, is currently a visiting professor at the Lahore School of Economics. He can be reached at anwarsyed@cox.net